Moscow, Nauka Publ. 1983. 230 p.

The history of Soviet-German relations and the struggle of the progressive forces of German society to defend the Soviet State from the encroachments of imperialist reaction has long attracted the attention of scientists in the USSR and abroad. However, despite the abundance of local studies, until recently there was no work that would give a complete picture of the movement in support of the first country of socialism that unfolded in the Weimar Republic. In the book of a senior researcher of the Institute

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For the first time in literature, the struggle of various strata of the population of the Weimar Republic for strengthening friendship with the Country of Soviets in 1919-1932 is considered in close connection with the development of Soviet - German relations.

The author uses a wide range of sources: publications of diplomatic documents, documentaries on modern German history that have not yet been sufficiently included in scientific circulation, in particular documents and materials on the history of the German labor movement, verbatim reports of Reichstag meetings, as well as the press, memoirs of political and public figures. The book takes into account the achievements of Soviet and foreign historical science.

The paper gives a detailed picture of the emergence and development of the movement for the defense of the Soviet Republic in Weimar Germany, analyzes the positions of various strata of German society in the 20s-early 30s in relation to the Rapallo policy. The author covers the activities of public organizations created to support the Sonet state and develop friendly relations between Germany and the USSR. Analyzing the state of Soviet-German relations by the beginning of the 1920s, the author shows that in Germany there was a sharp ideological struggle around the events in Soviet Russia. In the ruling circles at that time, the desire to follow the anti-Soviet course of the Entente prevailed. At the same time, these circles were under pressure from progressive forces that advocated the restoration of diplomatic relations that had been severed in November 1918 and the development of broad friendly ties.

The first mass campaign of solidarity of German workers with our country was connected with the attack of bourgeois-landowner Poland on Soviet Russia in the spring of 1920. The paper presents vivid facts showing how the "Hands off Soviet Russia!" movement unfolded. it prevented the Entente from using German territory to transfer weapons and reinforcements to Poland (pp. 15-25). A significant place in the monograph is devoted to the campaign of assistance to the Volga Region starving people organized in 1921 by the German Communists, and the activities of the KKE Central Committee member, K. A. Korotkov. Zetkin of the Committee of Workers ' Aid to Soviet Russia, which became the basis of Mezhrabpom, a committee of artists - the embryo of the Society of Friends of New Russia, a group of German scientists and doctors who took part in eliminating the consequences of famine in the Volga region.

By refusing to restore diplomatic relations with our country, the German ruling circles tried to win the Entente's favor and achieve a softening of the difficult conditions of the Versailles Peace Treaty for Germany. Their hesitation in recognizing Soviet Russia, the author writes, decreased or increased depending on changes in the specific situation, especially on the military situation of Soviet Russia (p. 13). The expulsion of the White Guards and foreign interventionists, the strengthening of the Soviet state, the unwillingness of the Entente to make concessions to Germany, the realization by the statesmen of the Weimar Republic of the coincidence of certain political and economic interests of the two countries, the demands of the general public, and the activity of Soviet diplomacy led in April 1922 to the normalization of Soviet-German relations. Based on the principle of peaceful coexistence, the Rapallo Treaty of 1922 became a symbol of mutual understanding between the two states. The "spirit of Rapallo" and "traditions of Rapallo" became concepts of political life, around which the struggle of various social forces unfolded.

Analyzing the positions of supporters of the Rapallo course in Germany, the author identifies three main groups. In the first category, he refers to the broad strata of working people who followed the KKE. The overwhelming majority of the Social Democratic Party also supported the development of German-Soviet relations, although its leadership was held captive by anti - communism and anti-Sovietism. The book emphasizes that the most important political force that consistently advocated friendship with the Soviet country was the Communist Party" It welcomed the Treaty of Rapallo (p. 80). K. Zetkin, who repeatedly visited the USSR, vividly characterized the achievements of the Soviet people in her books and speeches, and insisted on maintaining friendly relations with the Soviet Union: they were in the middle of the war. 20-ies were under threat

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because of the desire of the ruling circles of Germany to collude with the Western powers (pp. 130-133). It was at the initiative of the KKE that a mass delegation of German workers was sent to the USSR in July 1925 (p.119). The workers who visited our country in 1925-1932-communists, social Democrats, non-partisans - on their return to their homeland told the truth about the life of the Soviet people. The author notes that the success of the Soviet Union in implementing the first five-year plan and the elimination of unemployment in 1930 became the central argument in the ideological struggle of the KKE for the conquest of the masses, against fascist propaganda (pp. 187-188). Solidarity with the U.S.S.R. was manifested in the transfer of technical experience by German workers to their Soviet friends, and in the participation of German specialists in the industrialization of our country (pp. 189-197).

Another force that played a significant role in Germany's rapprochement with the Soviet country was the progressive intelligentsia. The achievements of the Soviet people in building a new society became for her a source of deep reflection on the fate of Germany. Founded by intellectuals in 1923, the Society of Friends of New Russia - the first organization of its kind abroad-played a major role in spreading the truth about the Soviet Union, popularizing the construction of a new life, and expanding the number of supporters of friendship with the USSR not only among the workers, but also among non-Proletarian strata. The management of the society included prominent figures of German science and culture A. Einstein, T. Mann and others (pp. 101-107). The book examines the role of the Society for the Study of Eastern Europe, the Society for Culture and Technology, the Community for the Study of the Soviet Planned Economy, as well as the activities of individual scientists and public figures in expanding scientific, technical and cultural ties between the two countries (pp. 112-118, 201-203). In the second half of the 1920s, Soviet-German scientific and cultural cooperation, the author concludes, took on new forms - holding major scientific meetings and implementing joint initiatives (pp. 175-178).

The monograph notes that the most important organization that rallied supporters of the Soviet country in the late 20s and early 30s was established in 1928.

The Union of Friends of the Soviet Union, which actively opposed anti-Soviet provocations, organized delegations sent to the USSR (pp. 174-175, 203-207).

One of the advantages of the book is a detailed description of those figures of the German bourgeoisie who formed the third group of the movement for the development of friendly relations with the Soviet state. Among them, the author rightly refers to the head of the German government from May 1921 to November 1922, I. Wirth, the head of the Eastern European department of the German Foreign Ministry, A. Malzahn, and the first ambassador of the Weimar Republic to the USSR, W. Brockdorf-Rantzau. As shown in the book, Wirth, who came from the "lower ranks", stood on the extreme left flank in the Party of the Center. He had the qualities of a great diplomat, and did not stop at decisions concerning the strategic course in foreign policy (p. 63). The author emphasizes that it was thanks to Wirth's persistence that the Treaty of Rapallo was concluded. After resigning as Chancellor, he nevertheless continued to fight for the consolidation of German-Soviet cooperation for the rest of his life.

Drawing on a large amount of factual material, the author made a reasonable conclusion that the influence of Wirth and his associates - Malzahn, Brockdorf-Rantzau, and others-on the development of Soviet - German relations was significant, and in some cases even decisive (p. 5). For these bourgeois leaders, ties with the USSR were of independent value. Therefore, the Berlin Treaty of Non-Aggression and Neutrality concluded in 1926 between the USSR and Germany, which limited the adverse consequences of the Locarno Agreements of 1925 for the Soviet Union, was a success not only for Soviet diplomacy, but also for the Brockdorf - Rantzau line, and for all those who supported the preservation of the Rapalle course of the Weimar Republic (pp. 163-164).

The author rightly notes the appearance at the last stage of the existence of the Weimar Republic of a tendency to a noticeable cooling of German-Soviet relations. The economic crisis of 1929-1933 contributed, on the one hand, to the growth of the class consciousness of a part of the working class and other masses of working people, who sought to prevent the transformation of Germany into a fascist state hostile to the USSR, and on the other-

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goy - to increase the forces of extreme reaction. It saw the maintenance of normal relations with the Soviet Union as a factor of the USSR's influence on the German proletariat, and identified Soviet policy with certain actions of the KKE (p. 182). It was the class interests of big capital and the Junkers that caused the German ruling circles to abandon the Rapallo course, despite the will of the true friends of the Soviet Union. Even during the fascist dictatorship, as shown in the work, the best representatives of the German people remained loyal friends of the Soviet country (pp. 212-216).

After the defeat of German fascism, the traditions of German - Soviet cooperation were revived in new conditions, especially in relations between the USSR and the GDR, which became allies, colleagues, and friends. "Rapallo's traditions" were also reflected in the treaties concluded in the 70s by the Federal Republic of Germany with the USSR and other socialist states. The experience of Soviet-German relations in the 1920s and early 1930s, as the monograph shows, shows that not confrontation, but long-term cooperation of states with different social systems on the basis of peaceful coexistence meets the interests of the peoples of Europe and the whole world.

The reviewed work is characterized by considerable completeness of the collected material. It summarizes the results of numerous local studies of friendly relations between the progressive forces of Germany and Soviet workers. Some aspects of the topic could be considered in more detail, in particular the scientific relations between the two countries during the Weimar Republic1 .

In general, the book by L. I. Ginsberg is a very useful study and is of interest to both specialists and a wide range of readers.

1 See Russo-German scientific relations between the Academy of Sciences of the USSR and the Academy of Sciences of the GDR. 1700-1974. Collected papers, Moscow, 1975.

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