Nadezda Belyakova

Religion and Constructs of National Identities in Eastern Europe in the 20th Century: An Introduction

Nadezda Belyakova - Researcher at Institute of World History, Russian Academy of Science; Associate Professor, National Research Nuclear University MEPhI (Moscow, Russia), beliacova@mail.ru

Introducing the main theme of the issue, the paper is trying to abandon commonplaces and cliches and to emphasize the subjects that were not in focus in earlier research. The papers of this volume show local complexities in how religious factor played in the history of Eastern Europe in the twentieth century. The thesis that some confessions are more engaged in the nation-building than others, seems to be a simplification, because Catholics, Orthodox and Protestants were equally involved in the process of constructing national identity.

Keywords: religion, national identity, Eastern Europe, history of the 20-th century, Orthodox church, Catholic church, protestants.

In the LATE 19th and early 20th centuries, dramatic changes took place in Eastern Europe. In multi-confessional empires, a rapid process of nation formation took place, with the nationalism of the borderlands clashing with the nationalism of the "state-forming" nations. Different confessional or denominational affiliation served as an additional marker of the "other", and sometimes it could also become the basis for obeying.-

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accusations of disloyalty to the state 1. The First World War served as a catalyst for ethnic self-awareness within the empires that entered the war2 and led them to collapse. The new states that emerged proclaimed themselves secular, although not all of them legislated for the separation of church and state. The new states and churches were forced to re-establish relations both with each other and with the modernizing society. In the face of rapid changes, new ideological constructs were quickly formed, which in radical versions sought to replace traditional religions.3 Extreme, totalitarian versions of such ideologies were Nazism and communism, which claimed to be a new "political religion" and pushed religion out of the public sphere. Between them, however, there was a whole spectrum of new political or ethnic entities that needed religious legitimation of national identity. In turn, the traditional churches had to respond to the new challenges of the time and engage in new political processes. In most Eastern European countries, unlike in the USSR, church institutions actively participated in socio-political life and in the construction of national identity.4
After World War II, the USSR sought to extend its harsh anti-religious policy to its entire sphere of influence in Eastern Europe. Under communist regimes, religious structures were marginalised to some extent, but the link between religion and nation was not completely severed. After the collapse of the socialist bloc and the USSR in 1989-1991.

1. In relation to the Russian Empire, see, for example: Dolbilov M. D. Russkiy Krai, chuzhaya vera. Ethnoconfessional policy in Lithuania and Belarus under Alexander II, Moscow: UFO, 2010; Miller A. Romanov Empire and Nationalism, Moscow: UFO, 2006. For the topic of" disloyalty " on the basis of nationality in Austria-Hungary, see Pylypovich R. Velikie "izdatnicheskie" protsessy kak instrumentom avstro-hungerskoi politiki - ot Marmarosh Sigot do Banja Luka 1904-1915 gg. [The Great "treasonable" processes as an instrument of Austro-Hungarian politics: from Marmarosh Sigot to Banja Luka 1904-1915]. Vasily (Pronin). Uzhgorod, 2014. N 3. pp. 263-272.

2. See, for example: Lor E. Nationalism and the Russian Empire: a campaign against "enemy subjects" during the First World War. Moscow: UFO, 2012.

3. Gentile, Е. (2006) Politics as Religion. Princeton; Pospelovsky D. Totalitarianism and religion. Moscow: BBI, 2003.

4. See, for example: Maner, H-Ch. und Wessel, M.S. (2002) Religion im Nationalstaat zwischen den Weltkriegen 1918 - 1939: Polen - Tschechslowakei-Ungarn - Rumanien. Stuttgart.

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After the return of religion to the public space, its role in the construction of national identity was again strengthened. Sociological studies invariably record a clear correlation between national and religious identity throughout the region, which, however, has very different combinations.5
In the 1990s and early 2000s, there was a fairly broad discussion in historiography, which can be conventionally referred to as Western historiography, about why this correlation is so obvious in Eastern Europe. If we talk about traditionally "Orthodox countries", then the essence of this dispute, with some simplification, was as follows. According to one hypothesis, the Eastern Orthodox Churches were prone to what might be called "nation/nation-state sacralization" because of the "Caesarepapism" inherited from the Byzantine tradition, or, in a slightly different interpretation, the "symphony" model between church and state. From the point of view of other researchers, the Orthodox tradition, due to a number of external circumstances, detached from modern intellectual and political movements, was not ready for the challenges of modern nationalism, and therefore the Orthodox Church became rather a passive object used in the construction of national identity.6
The authors of this issue of the journal refrain from direct generalizations and conceptual schemes and refer to relatively small, but previously poorly studied subjects in the history of Eastern Europe of the XX century.

The main topic opens with an article by German historian Klaus Buchenau analyzing the correlation between nation and religion in three key countries of South-Eastern Europe-Serbia, Bulgaria and Romania. The author aims to identify the reasons for the specific role of the religious factor in each of the three countries and explain the correlation between religious and national factors. The choice of these three countries for analysis is justified by the fact that

5. Miklos, T., Zulehner, P. (2000) Religion im gesellschaftlichen Kontext Ost (Mittel) Europas. Schwabenverlag.

6.Ramet, S. P. (1984) Religion and Nationalism in Soviet and East European Politics is the most systematic historical and political study that has offered a number of explanations for the influence of specific religious traditions on the types of state-confessional relations and types of nationalism in Eastern Europe. Durham.

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they have significant and visible similarities: the historical heritage of Orthodoxy, strong Ottoman influence, and the experience of socialism. Nevertheless, the desired ratio of" religion and nation " turns out to be different.

Buchenau takes a broad, interdisciplinary approach to comparing the three countries. He refers to the results of modern sociological studies that record both "Orthodox" similarities and differences between countries. Further, he reconstructs in detail and methodically the three national models of Orthodox and national identity, based on a consistent presentation of the historical destinies of the three countries. He identifies different groups of factors: geopolitical (the historical factor of "long duration"); institutional (the special dynamics of church structures and their relations with power elites); the factor of ethno-religious structure (the specific evolution in each country). Along the way, Buchenau raises key and extremely important questions about the meaning and forms in which the "sacralization" of the national took place in Modern times within the tradition that bears the memory of the Byzantine principles of "symphony" and "conciliarity". He manages to show how different the ways of national formation can be, despite the visible confessional similarities.

The South Slavic line set by Buchenau's article is continued by Taisiya Belyakova's article. The uniqueness of Josip Broz Tito's domestic policy compared to other countries of the socialist camp was that he refused to suppress religion and push it out of public space and took into account the importance of religion in the formation of new identities. Here we consider the process of registration of the Macedonian Orthodox Church, its separation from the Serbian Church due to the recognition of the Macedonian nationality and statehood by the authorities. Of course, the position of the Serbian Church itself was predictably negative, since it proceeded from the thesis of its indissoluble unity with the "Serbian people". This particular story makes us think about the general problems of Orthodoxy - in particular, the conditions and criteria for the independence of the local church; the role of the state in this process; the question of the liturgical language; and finally, the discussions around the concept of "phyletism".

The research of Alexey Beglov and Oleg Grom takes us back to the last decades of the Russian Empire. They show a complex interaction.

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and religious on two outskirts-in Finland and Bessarabia. These regions were at different stages of national identity formation. The Grand Duchy of Finland had a high degree of autonomy, a special statehood, an established national intelligentsia, and an organized Lutheran Church. In Bessarabia, the attributes of national identity were practically absent (with the exception of language). These two suburbs of the Russian Empire were united, perhaps, by protest sentiments against the Russification policy, which was most consistently implemented in the Empire through church institutions during the period of Chief Prosecutor K. P. Pobedonostsev and which, according to many researchers, accelerated the growth of national consciousness on the outskirts of the country.

Alexey Beglov's article on the example of a discussion about the forms of organization of an Orthodox parish in Finland shows the clash of different national and religious paradigms. On the one hand, the empire sought to unify church structures, trying to extend the general imperial model to Finland, which caused strong resistance from representatives of Finland, because such an initiative was perceived as Russification and encroachment on national autonomy-even though Finnish nationalism was emphatically constitutional, legal in nature. On the other hand, this defense of the Finnish church model found unexpected supporters among Russian Orthodox reformers who fought for the expansion of the rights of parishes and laity in the Church: they advocated the adoption of Orthodox models of parish communion, rooted in the Lutheran tradition. Thus, various national and ecclesiastical discourses were difficult to refract in the long disputes over the church structure.

If in Finland the success of Russification was minimal, then, according to a study by Oleg Grom, in Bessarabia there was a situation when, due to the consistent displacement of the local language from all public institutions, it was preserved to some extent only in the everyday life of the Orthodox Church. With

7. See the works of A. Y. Polunov, for example: Polunov A. Yu. Under the power of the Chief prosecutor: the state and the Church in the era of Alexander III. Moscow, 1996. See also the analysis of the religious question on the outskirts of the late Russian Empire in the works of P. Werth, in particular: Werth P. Orthodoxy, Heterodoxy, Gentiles. Essays on the Religious Diversity of the Russian Empire, Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2012. See also interview with Paul Werth in this issue of the magazine.

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it was monasticism, rather than the parish clergy, that was most deeply rooted in the local religious and linguistic tradition.8 The "Innokentievschiny" movement described in Grom's article is typologically close to the phenomenon of veneration of G. Rasputin and the "Ioannites" movement, 9 which emerged in the Russian Empire amid a serious crisis of official church structures. The main character of the article, Hieromonk Innokenty (Levizor), whose cult originated during his lifetime, fits perfectly into the context of the phenomenon of "false (or neo-) seniority" 10 that spread in the empire. However, an important feature of this cult, which takes it out of the all-Russian context, was the "pro - Moldavian" orientation of the movement, which allows us to consider it in the context of the formation of the national and religious consciousness of the population of Bessarabia-and this aspect interests us in this issue. In general, there are very few sources about the movement itself. It is obvious that the movement itself was purely religious, and Innocent, like his followers, did not care about the national question as such. However, the movement caused a wide public response, in which it was the national component that became almost central, and perhaps the discussions around "Innokentievism" led to the articulation of Bessarabian nationalism on the eve of the First World War.

The article by Komarov and Tokareva shows the religious situation in Estonia mainly through the prism of documents compiled by representatives of the Catholic Church and sent to the Vatican. These materials, collected during the 1920s and 1930s, justified the prospect of creating a strong Catholic Church in Estonia as a truly national one, because Estonians historically did not have such a church: the Orthodox Church, perceived as Russian, and the Lutheran Church, formerly known as the Russian Orthodox Church.-

8. See Mironov B. N. Sotsial'naya istoriya Rossii perioda imperii (XVIII - nachalo XX v) [Social History of Russia during the Empire period (XVIII-early XX centuries)]. Vol. 1. SPb., 2000.

9. Kitsenko N. Saint of our Time: Father John of Kronstadt and the Russian People, Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2006.

10. Paert, I. (2010) Spiritual Elders. Charisma and Tradition in Russian Orthodoxy. Nort-ern Illinois University Press; Beglov A. L. Sviatootecheskoe soznanie russkogo starchestva (XIX-nachalo XX veka) [Patristic consciousness of Russian elders (XIX-early XX century)]. Сергиев Посад, 2009. С. 310 - 367; Beglov, А. (2014) "Eschatological Expectations in Post-Soviet Russia: Historical Context and Modes of Interpretation", in Katya Tolstaya (ed.) Orthodox Paradoxes: Heterogeneities and Complexities in Contemporary Russian Orthodoxy, pp. 110, 116 - 118. Brill.

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In fact, the church of the previously dominant German nobility seemed to be more or less alien. The Vatican attached great importance to national identity in the new Eastern European states: Catholics experimented with the introduction of worship services in Estonian (which led to a conflict between the Catholic clergy and their traditional flock - Poles and Lithuanians); they tried to use the Finno-Ugric identity of Estonians by inviting Hungarian Catholic figures to Estonia.

The following four articles are devoted to the complex twists and turns of the formation of Ukrainian national identity and the role of the Greek Catholic tradition in this process. Anna Vishivanyuk examines the process described in the article as "Ukrainization of the Orthodox Church" in Volhynia, Polesie and Kholm region, which became part of the Polish state during the interwar period. One can see how the Ukrainian church identity was formed through opposition to both the old influence of Russian Orthodoxy and the new state policy of polonization in the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Ukrainization consisted in the introduction of sermons, and then worship services in the Ukrainian language, in the publication of church periodicals. The idea of a special Ukrainian church was clearly visible here (at the same time, the "autocephalous Ukrainian church" was fighting for its rights in Kiev). Apparently, the church (as in the case of Bessarabia) was one of the few institutions of legal Ukrainization, which was quite successful under the patronage of the Volyn governor-General until 1938. However, moderate Ukrainization was not the only trend within the church; there was also "Moskvofilism", radical Ukrainian nationalism, and manipulation by the state. All these complex processes were interrupted, then clearly manifested themselves during the Second World War, and then finally frozen as part of the USSR.

Another region under consideration - Subcarpathian Rus with the Mukachevo Monastery-was located on the territory of Czechoslovakia. In article B. Kichery examines how the Galician monks of the Order of St. Basil the Great (Greek Catholics) tried to transfer the Galician model of Ukrainian national identity to Subcarpathian Rus. Once again, religious institutions are at the center of this process: a fairly effective reform of the order reoriented the monks ' activities from ascetic ones

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on the external - educational, missionary, educational and publishing. But at the same time, the Galician "Ukrainization" component in this complex region collided with a mixture of Hungarian, Ruthenian, and Romanian elements, which were also connected with different states; identities collided even within the Basilian Order itself, which reflected and influenced this diversity.

In the post-war period, all the regions described above - Bessarabia, Galicia, Transcarpathian Rus-are part of the USSR. If in the pre-war period the goal of institutionalizing ethnicity and nationality here was liberation rhetoric and controlled stimulation of the growth of identities, 11 then in the post-war period the situation is fundamentally changing. The attached Western territories with a developed national identity are included in a much more rigid national-administrative structure, and the task of establishing control in the countries of the new communist bloc makes religious structures an instrument of foreign policy.

In Ukraine, a decisive offensive begins against the Greek Catholic Church, which was liquidated in 1946 and all its structures were transferred to the jurisdiction of local Orthodox churches. The same thing happened to Greek Catholics in other countries of the Soviet bloc. It is now obvious that the liquidation of the Greek Catholic churches in Eastern Europe was primarily due to the USSR's opposition to the Vatican and the desire to reduce its influence in Eastern Europe by all available means.12 The combination of confessional and national elements, either in the form of Greek Catholics or in the form of national Catholic churches, was one of the main obstacles to Soviet policy and the struggle for "national consciousness".13 The Soviet leadership's choice of a target for striking the Vatican was not accidental. Right to exist

11. See Kapeller A. Russia-Multinational Empire: Emergence. History. Raspad: a monograph / A. Kappeler; translated from German by S. Chervonnaya. Moscow: Traditsiya, 2000; Kadio Zh. Laboratory of Empire: Russia / USSR, 1860-1940. Moscow: UFO, 2010; Brubaker R. Ethnicity without Groups, Moscow: Publishing House of the Higher School of Economics, 2012.

12. Volokitina T., Murashko E., Noskova A. Moscow and Eastern Europe. Power and the Church in the period of social transformations of the 40-50s of the XX century. Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2008.

13. Noskova A. F. Power - the Roman Catholic Church-Vatican in Eastern Europe. K probleme sovetskogo vliyaniya (seredina 40-kh - nachalo 50-kh godov XX veka) [On the problem of Soviet influence (mid-40s-early 50s of the XX century)].-

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The" Uniates "(Greek Catholics) as a separate full-fledged church was traditionally disputed on both sides: the Orthodox saw them as rejected, stolen by deception, and the Catholics perceived uniatism as only an intermediate step in the process of transition to the" full-fledged " Catholicism of the Latin Rite.14 In the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, there have always been both supporters of the Eastern tradition and rapprochement with Orthodoxy, and fans of the order of the Western church15. The hero of Natalia Shlichty's article is prot. Mikola Kostelnik, who ensured loyalty to the " reunification "among a significant part of the Greek Catholic clergy, was just a consistent supporter of the" Eastern " accent.

N. Shlichta's research states that the" Uniate " problem in Ukraine was perceived from the very beginning as a national problem. Indeed, the threat of Ukrainian nationalism was a headache for the Allied leadership even in the pre-war period. The annexation during World War II of territories that were formerly part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and then as part of interwar states, fundamentally changes the situation in the Ukrainian SSR itself, which for the first time in history becomes the state of all Ukrainians. Moreover, "the annexation brought the fresh blood of national consciousness into the Sovietized body of Ukrainian society", which was especially strengthened in Galicia during the Second World War, and turned into a mass resistance movement to the Nazis and Bolsheviks in the western lands. 16 According to researcher N. Shlichta, the liquidation of the Greek Catholic Church was caused by the desire to eliminate the institution of national unity.the transfer of Greek Catholics to the jurisdiction of the Moscow Patriarchate meant the inclusion of a chain of identities "Orthodox-Russian - Soviet".

detailed historical research. Collection of articles edited by N. A. Belyakova, Moscow: IVI RAS, 2012, pp. 93-94.

14. См. об этом Suttner, E. (1999) Die Christenheit aus Ost und West auf der Suche nach dem sichtbaren Ausdruck fur ihre Einheit. Wurzburg.

15. Turiy O. The problem of identity in relations between traditional Churches of Ukraine in the context of state independence. August 22, 2006 / / Information and Analytical Center for the Study of socio-political processes in the post-Soviet space [www.ia-centr.ru/archiue/public_ detailsoyiy. html?id=log, accessed 18.11.2014].

16. Kulyk V. Nationalism in Ukraine. 1986-1996 gg. / / Nationalism in late and post-communist Europe, vol. 2. Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2010, p. 103.

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N. Shlichty's article reconstructs the motivation of that part of the Greek Catholic clergy who joined the Russian Orthodox Church in order to "preserve their church", which became an obstacle to the forcible national assimilation and Sovietization of the region's population from Moscow. The strategy of behavior of the "reunited" clergy described in the article shows only one of the aspects of including the Galician Greek Catholic enclave in the structure of the Russian Orthodox Church. This strategy is also consistent with the line of the ROC hierarchy, which saw in the annexation an opportunity to preserve Christianity in the region.

N. Shlikhta believes that the Union leadership perceived the process of self-education as a way of turning Galicians into " Soviet people "and that the Moscow Patriarchate's policy towards Western Ukrainians can be described as consistent"Sovietization". Given the overall anti-religious vector of Soviet ideology, these hypotheses can be considered controversial. On the other hand, it is true that, despite the negative attitude towards religion in general, in the Soviet Union, especially in the post - war period, there was a certain hierarchy of denominations-from tolerant to unrecognized. And the Greek Catholic Church, as in the imperial period, was among the last 17. Also interesting - and open for discussion-is the thesis on the task of" Russification "of Western Ukraine through" reunification " with the Russian Orthodox Church, through church parishes. Russification, as we know, did not happen, but what really was extremely significant was the reverse effect: the expansion of numerous immigrants from the Greek Catholic environment into the "canonical" territory of the Russian Orthodox Church18, the consequences of which are felt even today in central Russia not only in the form of Orthodox church abbots who come from Galicia, but also in the form of a number of Western Ukrainian liturgical practices.19 In this sense, we can talk about a special dynamism,

17. See Belyakova E. V., Belyakova N. A. Rossiiskaya impererskaya politika v otnoshenii neznazannykh zakonodatel'stva tserkov [Russian Imperial policy in relation to churches not recognized by legislation]. Barnaul-Rubtsovsk. 2009. pp. 259-272.

18. See: Innokenty (Pavlov), I. The presence of the Moscow Patriarchate in Galicia: History and Results / / Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church: Overcoming the Myth. Proceedings of the seminar November 25, 2002. Institute for the Study of Religion in the CIS and Baltic Countries, International Society "Memorial", Heinrich Bell Foundation. Moscow, 2002. pp. 53-69.

19. The ringing of bells in the altar during the mystery-perfecting prayers, kneeling during the liturgy, the specifics of performing molebens, akathists to the Most Holy Theotokos, etc.

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"passionarity" of Western Ukrainian religiosity: after all, it was Western Ukraine in the late Soviet period that was statistically and materially the reference region for all Christian confessions of the USSR 20.

The idea of the close connection of the Ukrainian national identity with the institution of "one's own" church, which is a bulwark of national identity, is being adopted by the nationally oriented opposition in the Ukrainian SSR during the period of perestroika. Since the struggle against the remnants of uniatism was carried out under the flag of the struggle against "bourgeois nationalism", the legalization of the underground church persecuted by the Soviet regime should have become a symbol of the restoration of the national dignity of Ukrainians. In the article below. Taras Bublyk describes the history of the emergence of an opposition human rights organization-the "Committee for the Protection of the Rights of the Ukrainian Catholic Church", which came up with a political program for the legalization of the Greek Catholic Church in Ukraine. The author shows the disputes within the church and its defenders regarding how to relate the political and the ecclesiastical, how to build relations between the new national political forces, the Vatican, and so on. In Galicia, the Ukrainian Greek Catholic and Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Churches, which were banned in the Soviet era, became the church structures that position themselves as truly national and oppose themselves to Moscow and the Russian Orthodox Church, respectively. In fact, the most violent confrontation unfolded between these two churches.21 What should be the national Ukrainian church, and is it even possible? This question, to which there is no single answer, becomes one of the central ones on the eve of independence and remains so later, until the revolution of 2013-2014.

If Ukrainians were the second largest nationality in the USSR, then Soviet Germans were severely marginalized.-

20. See for details on the situation in Ukraine in the late Soviet period: Belyakova N. A. Religious policy in the Western Republics of the late USSR: center and Regions (on the example of Ukraine) // Peterburgskie issledovaniya: Sb. nauch. st. Vyp. z [St. Petersburg Studies: Collection of Scientific articles, Issue z] / Ed. by Yu. V. Krivosheev. SPb., 2011. pp. 291-313.

21. While most of the clergy were transferred to the UGCC, a significant part of the communities registered as the UAOC. See Belyakova N. A. Evolution of church-state relations in the Western Republics of the USSR during Perestroika // RUDN University Bulletin. Series "History of Russia". 2009. N 2. pp. 111-120.

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a small minority. How the Germans in the Soviet Union were able not only to preserve their confessional identity, but also to influence the religiosity of the surrounding population is a topic that is still waiting for its researchers. In our collection, two articles are devoted to the identity of German Mennonites. The article by Johannes Dick provides an exhaustive sketch of the history of Mennonites in Russia and the USSR and traces the consequences of sharp social breakdowns, deportations and bans. The author's observations on the conditions under which Mennonites were forced to preserve their identity in the post-war period are extremely interesting. In 1944, the All-Union Council of Evangelical Christian Baptists (VSEKHB) was established in the USSR, designed to include various communities of late Protestant denominations (in other terminology - "free churches"); it also included fraternal Mennonites. The consequence of this inclusion was the threat of assimilation, the erosion of German confessional identity-a threat that disappeared only with the emigration of Germans from the USSR.

The study by Alexey Glushaev and Vera Klyueva focuses on the analysis of survival strategies of Mennonite communities in the Urals and Siberia in the changing Soviet society of the 1940s and 1960s. The authors note that in the context of various kinds of discrimination and deprivation, the breakdown of social and family ties, denominational affiliation recedes into the background for Germans before the possibility of a new religion. gather and pray in your native language. In the future, the organizational design of Mennonite communities was intended to restore the old traditions of self-organization of Germans and help preserve the ethno-confessional identity.

The article by Serhiy Pakhomenko and Svitlana Arabadzhi takes us from Siberia and the Urals to Mariupol and examines the formation of the image of the church-national hero - Metropolitan Ignatius of Mariupol-among the Azov Greeks as a supporting figure for their identity. The perception of a church hierarch as a national leader is well known from the history of a number of peoples in the Southern European region. The heroic image of Metropolitan Ignatius began to form gradually, when the ambiguous attitude to the resettlement of Greeks to the Azov region from the Crimea initiated by him (with the support of the Russian authorities) in the 1770s was pushed out of the memory of contemporaries. At the same time, the metropolitan became a symbol of the identity not only of the Greeks, but also of the local population of Mariupol and the surrounding area in general. After perestroika, the Mitro image-

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polita underwent a new history of interpretations, but remained central to the region, especially after the canonization of Ignatius in 1997.

The research presented in this issue covers only a small part of specific local subjects of the Greater Eastern European region, and concerns only a small part of ethnic groups and Christian denominations. But the presented set of subjects also reveals the complexity of the involvement of the religious factor in the construction of national identity. We see that all Christian denominations - Catholic, Orthodox, Protestant-are more or less involved in these processes. We also see that the ideas about the special "inclinations" of a particular denomination to specific types and images of" national " can be simplified if they are not included in the context of specific historical dynamics, if a large number of other factors are not taken into account: different geopolitical conditions and, accordingly, the vicissitudes of the history of national statehood; dominant ideological regimes specific features of the historical experience of specific churches; specific features of the ethno-cultural environment; special relationships between church and secular elites in each individual case, and so on. As a result of the interaction of all these factors, the religious component of the national accent was emphasized to a greater or lesser extent.

We should not forget about another "logical limit" of this participation of the religious in the national: the Christian tradition presupposes the impossibility of merging Christian ideals with national ones, the impossibility of sacralization of the nation in the literal and full sense (all the same concept of philetism), not to mention an alliance with rigid, militant nationalism. Nevertheless, both parties - both church institutions and modern national elites - were interested in some rapprochement, or at least - as under the consistently anti - religious Soviet regime-in some pragmatic interaction, although the forms and intensity of such interaction, as we can see, differed significantly.

The stories presented in this issue of the magazine are entirely set in the 20th century and relate mainly to the history before the turning point of 1989-1991, when a completely new stage in the history of Eastern Europe began. Nevertheless, the issues raised here, of course, remain significant today. This is all the more true if

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We agree that the role of religion in the public sphere is increasing, and religious meanings are still actively used in discourses and practices of national identity throughout the region22.

Bibliography/References

Beglov A. L. Svyatootecheskoe soznanie russkogo starchestva (XIX - nachalo XX veka) [Patristic consciousness of Russian elders (XIX-early XX century)]. Sergiev Posad, 2009, pp. 310-367.

Belyakova E. V., Belyakova N. A. Rossiiskaya impererskaya politika v otnoshenii neznazannykh zakonodatel'stva tserkov [Russian Imperial policy in relation to churches not recognized by legislation]. Barnaul - Rubtsovsk. 2009. pp. 259-272.

Belyakova N. A. [Religious policy in the Western republics of the late USSR: center and regions (on the example of Ukraine)]. Peterburgskie issledovaniya: Sb. nauch. st. Issue 3 / Ed. by Yu. V. Krivosheev.SPb., 2011. pp. 291-313.

Belyakova N. A. Evolyutsiya tserkovno-gosudarstvennykh otnosheniy v zapadnykh respublikakh SSSR v period perestroika [Evolution of church-state relations in the Western Republics of the USSR during Perestroika]. Series "History of Russia". 2009. N 2. pp. 111-120.

Brubaker R. Ethnicity without Groups, Moscow: Publishing House of the Higher School of Economics, 2012.

Vert P. Orthodoxy, Heterodoxy, and Other faiths. Essays on the Religious diversity of the Russian Empire, Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2012.

Volokitina T., Murashko G., Noskova A. Moscow and Eastern Europe. Power and the Church in the period of social transformations of the 40-50s of the XX century. Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2008.

Dolbilov M. D. Russkiy krai, chuzhaya vera [Russian region, alien faith]. Ethno-confessional policy in Lithuania and Belarus under Alexander II. Moscow: UFO, 2010

Innokentiy (Pavlov), ig. Presenceness of the Moscow Patriarchate in Galicia: history and results / / Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church: Overcoming the Myth. Proceedings of the seminar November 25, 2002. Institute for the Study of Religion in the CIS and Baltic Countries, International Society "Memorial", Heinrich Bell Foundation. Moscow, 2002. pp. 53-69.

Kadio Zh. Laboratory of Empire: Russia / USSR, 1860-1940. Moscow: UFO, 2010.

Kapeller A. Russia-multinational Empire: Appearance. History. Raspad: a monograph / Translated from German by S. Chervonnaya, Moscow: Traditsiya, 2000.

Kitsenko N. Saint of our Time: Father John of Kronstadt and the Russian people. Moscow: New Literary Review, 2006.

Kulyk V. Nationalism in Ukraine. 1986-1996 gg. / / Nationalism in late and post-communist Europe, vol. 2. Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2010.

Lor E. Nationalism and the Russian Empire: a campaign against "enemy subjects" during the First World War. Moscow: UFO, 2012.

Miller A. Romanov Empire and Nationalism, Moscow: UFO, 2006.

22. The journal has repeatedly addressed similar topics. See No. 1, 2012, devoted to the role of the religious factor in the framework of the concept of multiple modernities. The direct interaction of religious and ethno-national identities in South-Eastern Europe was considered in the articles of the "Balkan" issue (No. 2, 2014).

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Mironov B. N. Sotsial'naya istoriya Rossii perioda imperii (XVIII - nachalo XX v) [Social History of Russia during the Empire period (XVIII-early XX centuries)].

Noskova A. F. Power - the Roman Catholic Church - the Vatican in Eastern Europe. K probleme sovetskogo vliyaniya (seredina 40-kh - nachalo 50-kh godov XX veka) [On the problem of Soviet influence (mid-40s-early 50s of the XX century)]. Collection of articles edited by N. A. Belyakova, Moscow: IVI RAS, 2012.

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