Geschichte des Freien Deutschen Gewerkschaftsbundes. Berlin. Tribune. 1982. 832 S. *

The book under review was written by the author's team of teachers of the Higher Trade Union School named after F. Haeckert in Berlin. The first two chapters describe the almost century-long prehistory of the GDR trade union association, which emerged in February 1946. It highlights the difficult path taken by German trade unions, especially the so-called free (non-denominational) ones, which began to emerge during the revolution of 1848-1849. These were the most militant class organizations of the proletariat until they came under the influence of the opportunists who preached the theory of trade union neutrality at the end of the nineteenth century. However, the authors note that the complete separation of the free trade unions from the party did not occur due to the activities of the left-wing social Democrats led by K. Liebknecht, R. Luxemburg, and V. Pieck.

In July 1919, at the Tenth Congress of Free Trade Unions, the All-German Union of Trade Unions was formed. However, the fragmentation of the trade union movement has not been overcome. Even the free trade unions were not united: the workers had their own association, the employees had their own. In 1929, according to the data given in the book, only 33% of the working class was organized in Germany (p.122). The right-wing trade union leaders of the most numerous free trade unions created all sorts of obstacles to the activities of the KKE and excluded communists from their ranks. The trade union leaders thwarted the creation of a united anti-fascist front, refused to accept the KKE's proposal to call workers to a general strike when the Nazis seized power, and thus played into Hitler's hands.

In May 1933, trade unions of all political directions were banned by the Nazis, and their property was confiscated (p. 138). The German working class lost its mass organizations and was disorganized. The most conscientious members of the trade unions and some of their leaders participated in the Resistance movement together with the Communists. Already in the autumn of 1934, the authors write, united trade union groups emerged underground in the Ruhr, Central Germany, Saxony, and Hamburg (p.141). Given the popularity of the idea of trade union unity, the SPD Prague Central Committee in 1934 called for the creation of unified trade unions (p. 146). The Brussels Conference of the KKE in 1935 supported the desire to unite the trade unions into a single class organization (p. 145).

At the last stage of the Second World War, the activity of members of the Resistance movement, including supporters of trade union unity, increased. As shown in the book, trade union activists were the core from which cadres of mayors, landrats, and members of industrial councils were formed. In mid-June 1945, the Preparatory Committee for the Creation of Unified Trade Unions in Greater Berlin was formed. The committee included former trade union leaders from all directions, including communists, Social Democrats, Catholics, and a representative of the Hirsch-Dunker trade unions (p. 168). This committee convened the trade union conference of Greater Berlin on June 17. Its appeal to the working class was "the first act of birth of the Association of Free Germans".-

* Team of authors: H. Deutschland (head), H. Bednarek, H. Eckart, J. Kunze, E. E. Lange, D. Muller, H. Polzin, Z. Prokop, G. Thoms, A. Foerster, R. Schulze.

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trade unions, " the authors note (p . 172). Even before their unification, the free trade unions became active participants in the anti-fascist-democratic coup.

On February 11, 1946, the founding Congress of the Association of Free German Trade Unions (OSNP) met. For the first time in the history of the German trade union movement, the organizational principle was proclaimed: one enterprise or institution - one trade union. The leadership of the PSNP was created on a coalition basis. The first chairman was a Communist, the second a Social Democrat, and the third a Christian socialist. The creation of the PSNP, the book emphasizes, accelerated the unification of the two workers ' parties into the Socialist United Party of Germany in April 1946. The OSNP joined the International Federation of Trade Unions in 1947.

Of great interest is the authors 'characterization of trade unions' activities during the period of anti-fascist-democratic transformations. Trade unions played an important role in the nationalization of monopolistic enterprises. The second Congress of the OSNP (April 1947) summed up the first results of the anti-fascist - democratic measures and set a new task for the trade unions - to lead the struggle of workers against the devastation, poverty and economic consequences of the domination of fascism and the war. The OSNP charter was adopted. The trade unions were concerned with the struggle to improve the situation of workers. SWAG helped them do this.

The authors note the special significance of Order No. 234 of October 9, 1947, developed by the SVAG together with representatives of the SED and trade unions. The order outlined measures to increase labor productivity and improve the situation of workers and employees, and finally abolished all legislation of the fascist regime that infringed on the interests of workers. After its publication, trade unions launched a socialist competition under the slogan " People, help yourself!". Labor activists and people's control committees appeared. People's control strengthened the position of the working class, helped in the fight against sabotage in private enterprises. All this took place in an environment of acute class struggle. Defenders of entrepreneurs from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) opposed popular control. In the Saxon Landtag, the LDP faction even raised the issue of transferring people's enterprises to private capital (p. 269). In preparation for the implementation of the two - year plan for the development of the national economy (1949-1950), the authors write, trade unions began to study Soviet methods of work. In 1948, a movement of advanced workers appeared, named after the miner, a member of the SED A. Hennecke.

The book traces the activities of trade unions at various stages of the construction of socialism up to the tenth Congress of the SED (April 1981). With the formation of the GDR in October 1949, the role of trade unions increased even more, especially in private enterprises and in agriculture. Based on the proposals of the trade unions, the People's Chamber adopted the Labor Law in April 1950, which established the leading role of the working class in the State. Trade unions became active agents of all decisions of the SED and the GDR government. In contrast to the schismatics ' desire to separate the trade unions from the SED, the Third Congress of the OSNP (August-September 1950) declared its support for the SED, its commitment to Marxism - Leninism, friendship with the USSR, and proletarian internationalism. The Third Congress, according to the authors, was "a milestone in the development of trade unions as a school of socialism" (p. 363).

The GDR trade unions, the book says, had to operate in a multi-party system and a divided Germany. The OSNP paid great attention to ideological work. It was conducted through the schools of socialist labor. Trade union schools were engaged in ideological training of cadres of trade union functionaries. Special local courses were organized for women. Both women's and young people's work has been given high priority by the Board of the NSO. The authors draw attention to the cultural activities of trade unions in enterprises and institutions. In the 70s, cultural work reached a special scale. Workers ' theaters, choirs, amateur artists, brass bands, folk art ensembles, and various clubs have become widespread. In the schools of socialist labor, work was also carried out to improve skills, especially for women and young people.

Using the Soviet experience, the trade unions of the GDR developed, the authors write, a socialist competition, giving it a special scope and specific forms:-

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It is a complex competition between enterprises - suppliers and consumers of their products, a competition between similar enterprises of the USSR and the GDR. There was a wide exchange of experience between labor activists of the GDR and innovators of the USSR. Great importance was attached to the movement of rationalizers of production and the involvement of broad strata of workers, engineers, and scientists in it by creating research societies at enterprises. The Nauka Trade Union has mobilized its members to help rationalizing workers. The number of innovators and the material benefits of introducing their proposals into production grew rapidly.

The material analyzed in the book shows that in the GDR, in parallel with the development of social legislation, the process of expanding the rights of trade unions was underway. This is recorded in the Labor Code, which entered into force on January 1, 1978. According to the code, industrial trade unions were granted the right to cooperate with the heads of enterprises in the management and planning of production. Any change in working hours or labor standards is subject to the sanction of the trade union organization. For the first time, the legal issues of socialist rationalization were regulated. The Code was previously discussed at thousands of meetings of production teams. This" Magna Carta of Labor, "emphasized E. Honecker, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the SED and Chairman of the State Council of the GDR," is truly written by all working people " (p.741).

The authors note the great achievements of the OSNP in educating trade union members in the spirit of proletarian internationalism, solidarity with the struggle of peoples against imperialism, and commitment to the cause of peace. This activity of the OSNP gained him great popularity in the international trade union movement. At the initiative of the OSNP board, the European Trade Union Conference of peace Fighters was held in Berlin in June 1958, at which 23 countries were represented, including 9 socialist countries (p.437). In November 1978, a cooperation agreement was signed between the All-Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (ECSPC) and the OSNP (p.750). The OSNP cooperates with trade unions not only in socialist and developing countries, but also in capitalist countries. Only the leadership of the German trade unions rejected any joint actions with the OSNP.

The idea runs through the book: the working class is a powerful force when the trade unions are united and operate under the leadership of the Marxist-Leninist party. In the program of the SED, adopted at the IX Congress (May 1976), trade unions are called a school of socialism, a school of socialist management (p.713), and their great contribution to the construction of socialism is emphasized.

We have a fundamental work before us. It contains the names of hundreds of labor activists, innovators, scientists, cultural figures and artists. The authors showed the broad participation of GDR workers in the construction of socialism, investigated problems that were still insufficiently covered in the literature, and thus laid the foundation for further in-depth study of the history of GDR trade unions, especially in the 70s, when the decisions of the VIII and IX SED congresses significantly expanded the role and scope of these mass organizations of GDR workers. The book is richly illustrated. One can only regret that it is not provided with a chronological table. The book should also show more clearly the attitude of other parties of the National Front of the GDR towards trade unions.

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