In the middle of the XX century. there was still no so-called Muslim question in France, and Islam was perceived by scholars as a religion that exists outside the country, and Muslims were represented as immigrants from the Mediterranean, who came to its territory only for a while. In the 1980s, this question became one of the objects of research by French sociologists, historians, political scientists, anthropologists and Islamic scholars, who talk about the life of immigrants and their children in a country of which they are already an integral part. In the 1990s, after the "headscarf case", the 1995 Paris metro bombings, and the difficulties associated with Islamist organizations where "teenagers from the outskirts" become members, researchers pay attention to the relationship between the state and Muslims, issues of secularism, secularization, and integration. The events of the beginning of the new century (September 11, 2001, New York, autumn 2005, the suburbs of Paris) force researchers to take a fresh look at such concepts as "Muslim", "Republic", "integration" and rethink the very approach to the topic of Islam.

In the scientific literature today, a lot of different things are written about Islam in France. The country with the largest number of Muslims in Europe excites the world with questions related to the presence of representatives of Muslim communities in a European country and the search for the most optimal forms of coexistence of Islam and the laws of the Republic. Until the 1990s, Islam in France was perceived by both society and the scientific community as a religion that existed outside the country, even in former colonies, but still outside of France itself, and Muslims were represented as immigrants from the Mediterranean countries who came to the country only temporarily. It was only in the last two decades of the twentieth century that Islam began to be spoken of as the second largest religion in the country, and its representatives as citizens of France. Since that time, the Muslim has no longer become a foreigner, but a neighbor, and in this new context, France begins to perceive Islam as "its" religion, existing within the French society based on Republican values, but not yet fully integrated into it.

1950s-1970s Unknown Islam. A massive influx of Muslims to France can be observed after the First World War from the Mediterranean, the Maghreb countries, but the really noticeable influx of Maghreb immigration for the country falls in the years after the Second World War. Here we are talking primarily about labor immigration - men, mostly young, natives of Maghreb villages, who came to work in France. Many of them tried to "stick to their own people", natives of" their own region", villages, and these self-created workers-

The article is based on the results of a research trip to France at the invitation of the Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, Paris (10.05.09-6.06.09).

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chimi groups later developed into various kinds of organizations and associations. These young people, who mostly lived in dormitories on the outskirts of cities such as Paris, Lyon, Marseille, and Lille, the industrial centers of France, mostly led a closed lifestyle, rarely venturing outside their immigrant quarter. In the 1960s, the French began to talk about "Arabs" who came to work, and "Arab neighborhoods", which became one of the components of the infrastructure of megacities. At this time, no one in society is still talking about "Muslims" (mostly about "Arabs" who came to France), because the "Arabs" themselves prefer to leave religion in the sphere of individual life, not taking it out of their immigrant community.

Until the 1970s, "Islamic places"were invisible in the country. Of the few things that a Parisian could name at that time, for example, only the Pere Lachaise cemetery, which was the first to allocate a site for the burial of Muslims in 1855, and the Grand Mosque of Paris1 can be attributed. Islam remained a religion for a long time, closed behind the doors of the dormitories in which the Maghreb workers lived, without going beyond their private lives.

The scientific literature hardly describes the religious component of the life of these immigrants. One of the first works devoted to Muslims in France was published in 1950 in the book by J.-J. Rager, " Algerian Muslims in France and in Islamic countries "(Rager, 1950). The author is interested in the background and causes of a particular migration flow from Algeria (at that time still a French colony), the geographical features of the settlement of immigrants, the problems they face in a foreign country, the difficulties that they and their families have to face when moving to another country (housing issues, job search). Separately, the author practically does not touch on issues related to the religious component of their life in his book. The topic of Islam arises when analyzing the social and domestic difficulties of Algerian immigrants in France, describing their life in the country.

"North Africans are immigrating alone. The number of those who immigrate with their wife does not exceed a dozen... This is how North African immigration differs from European immigration" (Rager, 1950, p. 261). The author draws a picture of Muslims living in some departments of France, for example, in Champigny (Seine), where 8 families and 20 children live.2 Razhe gives a life description of these families: "The moral and material situation of these families is satisfactory. Health is excellent, children are beautiful, they look good, they are washed. Men work as laborers in factories... The children go to school and speak good French, with the exception of one 9-year-old girl who stays at home at the request of her father... Nursing and pregnant women attend free government consultations. The latter give birth in public hospitals... Women often stay at home, go out only on weekends with their husbands, and go to doctor's appointments with them... Religious rites are observed: boys are circumcised. All family members... observe the fast, even those who spend a long and hard day at the factory " [Rager, 1950, p. 262-263]. The author does not provide any other information about the religious component of the life of Muslim Algerians in France. For him, Muslims are primarily foreigners who immigrated to France and preserve their traditions in European society. Islam appears on the pages of the book as part of these traditions.

Only in conclusion does the author again address the topic of Islam as an issue that, in his opinion, the authorities should pay attention to: "France is beyond the border-

1 It is also worth remembering that the Paris Mosque, which has become a symbol of the presence of Muslims in France, was built in 1926 in honor of the Muslim soldiers who died on the battlefields of the French army during the First World War.

2 This department, which has 75.5 thousand inhabitants (2006), is currently home to 23% of residents born outside of France.

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Lamy Dar el Islam, North Africans who find themselves outside the Muslim community feel lost far from their homeland... The Muslim community, the Ummah, is an ensemble of both spiritual and temporal, religious and political life " (Rager, 1950, p. 262). Further, reflecting on the need to draw the state's attention to the fact that representatives of different religions co-exist on the same territory, the author asks the question: "Has the French government understood the moral problem that arises when more than 250,000 Muslims arrive in the metropolitan area? ...One mosque in Paris, one almost completed one in Marseille, prayer halls in Lyon, Metz and Lille-these are probably all places intended for Muslims, " he notes [Rager, 1950, p. 262]. Raget is concerned that the Algerian Muslims who have come to France are " morally neglected." After interviewing them, he points out that when faced with everyday difficulties, these people need to be able to find some solace in something, and, according to his observation, it is best to do this by turning to their own religion-Islam.

In 1959, J.-P. <url> in the book "Islam in the West. Europe-Africa " [Roux, 1959] writes not only about the history of the penetration of Islam into Europe, but also about the influence of European civilization on Islam. The first part of the book tells about the Muslim conquests of European states, and the author also gives a brief outline of the history of the Crusades and the Ottoman Empire, and in the subsequent sections it tells about the colonization of Muslim countries by Europeans and the impact of their policies on the culture of the latter. "France in its colonies, in particular in Algeria, initially took into account the national and religious characteristics of Muslims... Its influence is civilizational... " [Roux, 1959, p. 178].

Given the relations between France and Algeria and the war for Algerian independence that lasted since 1954, the book perfectly reflects the position of France at that time in relation to its colonies. As an example, the author cites the policy of France in Kabylia, where the law prohibited underage girls from marrying, simplified the procedure for women to file for divorce, and adopted a number of similar decrees that "did not concern the Koran". According to the author, France pursued a correct policy in the colonized countries, since it could not ignore the situation of Muslim women and the education system based only on religious teachings. As one of the main examples of the really harsh suppression of Islamic civilization, he cites the Soviet Union, pointing to its policy in the Central Asian republics.

The author is concerned about the loss of influence by European countries over their colonies: the proximity of Africa, Muslim Africa, which (given the year of writing the book) is getting out of the control of Europeans and is making contact with other Muslim countries. This idea runs through the entire book. And only in one chapter of his book, J.-P. Roux talks about the presence of Muslims in European countries and divides them into five categories: temporary residents (students, diplomats), a corps of soldiers from colonial countries, political immigrants, European Muslims, and last but not least, immigrant intellectuals and workers. And here he mentions France's policy in colonial countries, which should continue in France, where immigrant workers from the Maghreb countries appear:" through school, marriage, social relations with Christians, Muslims who have equal professional skills with Europeans can coexist " [Roux, 1959, p. 234].

In the 1980s, France "discovers" Muslims. After the suspension of immigration in 1974, the situation with the presence of Muslims in France is radically changing. It is at this time that the first attempts are being made by Muslims to recognize their existence on the territory of the country. And this year draws a kind of line separating immigrants who arrived before 1974 and were content with what they were given - jobs, a roof over their heads, and minimal social security.

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Many families who decided to stay in France during this period felt the need to be recognized as equal citizens. And they began to openly demonstrate their belonging to Islam to the French society.

There is another, in my opinion, weighty argument for the exit of Islam from the private sphere to the collective sphere at this very time. Unemployment, social difficulties caused by the economic crisis of 1974, and the desperation of many immigrants who do not want to return to their homeland are pushing them to find ways out of the impasse for many.

Prayer halls, where they go not only to pray, but also to receive moral and sometimes material support, help them survive during this period. Religion becomes for many not only a tradition of their ancestors, but also a kind of protection from the world around them.

In the 1980s, along with the recognition by French society of the existence of a fairly large Maghreb community in the country, Islam was actually recognized. In the issues discussed at the state level related to the integration of Maghreb people into French society, the main focus is on Islam, which, according to the authorities and French citizens, complicates the integration process itself.

The late 1970s and early 1980s are characterized by the emergence of French-language literature describing the life of immigrants from North Africa and the Maghreb community itself in France. Since these are mostly social novels written by both immigrants and their children born in France, the works describe the life of Maghreb people in a foreign land3. At the same time, there are scientific works devoted to the integration of immigrants and their children into French society, the socialization of children in schools, and issues related to young people from the Maghreb environment.

However, scientific works in which Islam was the main topic appeared only by the end of the 1980s. At this time, the book of Zh. Kepel's "Islamic Suburbs" [Kepel, 1987], which the author begins with the words: "In today's France, there are more than a thousand mosques and other places of worship for Muslims. More than six hundred associations... they have an "Islamic" component. And in Paris, five times a day, the muezzin calls the faithful to prayer on the local radio waves" [Kepel, 1987, p. 9]. The author notes that in the early 1960s, there were no more than a dozen mosques and prayer halls in France, as well as various associations. And this is despite the fact that there were already several hundred thousand Muslims in the country. In the preface, he asks the main question: what is happening in the country if in just 20 years the presence of Muslims has become so noticeable, and can we now talk about Islam in France? The reasons for this phenomenon, according to the author, lie in the social and political changes that occur with the immigrants themselves from the immigrant-Muslim environment, and are also the result of all those events that took place in the Islamic world itself in the previous few years. Kepel's book is the result of three years of research (work in archives, questionnaires, interviews with imams and heads of associations), the main purpose of which was to identify the reasons that led to the exponential increase in the number of places of religious practice over 20 years and the emergence of such a phenomenon as "Islam in France". At the same time, the author tries to answer two questions throughout the book: does this contribute to the integration of immigrants into French society and can we talk about the birth of a new religion in the country?

A year later, J. Kepel and R. Leveau co-authored a collection of articles entitled "Muslims in French Society "(Les musulmans..., 1988).

3 The literature of the Maghreb people and representatives of the Maghreb community in France is described in detail in the research of the Russian scientist S. V. Prozhogina.

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which clearly illustrates the debates that took place in the late 1980s in France at the Institute for Political Studies (Science-Po), the topics that French researchers raised during this period: the "new" generation of Muslims, people from the Maghreb community, the role of trade union movements in the life of Muslims, social rights, "stereotypes and strategies", "Muslims and the proletariat". One of the sections of the book is devoted to European Islam and its role in the political life of countries such as Germany and the United Kingdom.

The compilers of the collection explain their interest in the issue raised by the new situation in French society, primarily related to immigration from the Maghreb countries, and relations between Muslims and the state. According to them, a secular state, even if it does not want to interfere in matters related to religion, in the case of a large number of Muslims living on its territory, is obliged to contact them, since there are issues that go beyond private life, for example, the construction of mosques, the possibility of performing rituals related to the killing of animals; regulation of issues that arise at school among Muslim children, taking into account their faith; the possibility of performing prayers while working. According to scientists, these and many other issues should not be ignored by the government. "Official recognition of Islam in public life is today a new necessary stage for integration... This new situation involves an adjustment on the part of the Muslims who have lived in France since the 1960s, but one should not think that they will go all the way that the provincials once did during the industrialization era in the 19th century. or Mediterranean European immigrants. Undoubtedly, today's society should reconsider the system of values in relation to those who will live nearby" [Les musulmans..., 1988, p. 11].

The compilers of the collection focus on the fact that the first forms of state recognition of the presence of Muslims in French society emerged in the 1980s. Therefore, the research conducted by scientists primarily concerns these first steps of interaction between the state and the Muslim community. Almost all the authors of the collection draw the reader's attention to the fact that Muslims in France are primarily immigrants from the Maghreb countries, laborers. So the relationship between Muslims and the State is the relationship between workers and the State. Since the majority of Muslims do hard, dirty work, the main issues raised relate to their rights, unemployment, the role of trade unions and various associations. The main thesis of the authors: Islam in France can no longer be considered a private sphere, and in the future, when forming state policy, it is necessary to take into account the presence of this religion in the public life of the country.

The same idea is expressed by B. Etienne in his book "France and Islam" (Etienne, 1989). He argues that at the end of the 1980s, we have to talk not just about the presence of Muslims in France, but about their mass presence. It is at this time that for the first time at the state level, people are beginning to talk about the need to create a government-controlled body that would monitor all matters related to the life of Muslims in the country, starting from government decrees and ending with monitoring their implementation. In this regard, B. Etienne believes that "a nation-state, a state governed by the rule of law, with a republican ideology..." [Etienne, 1989, p. 20], such as France, at the beginning of the XXI century, should change some principles, taking into account the increase in the number of Muslims in the country. And, in his opinion, it is necessary to start with history, i.e. rewrite the textbooks "history of relations between France and Islam since Francois I", since before that it was written one-sidedly, offering a "French view of events" [Etienne, 1989, p. 19].

One of the main ideas that he expresses in his book is "France is a chance for Islam", explaining it: "The next step is to create a Federation of Muslims of France (the idea was implemented in 2003-Ed.), which will be derived from

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from two formulas: Islam is a chance for France; France is a chance for Islam... Such a Federation would give France a Muslim strength that would later improve relations between the North and South. It seems to me criminal, looking to our common future, not to use such a chance to attract thousands of young French Muslims who can serve to build peace with the rest of the Arab-Muslim world "[Etienne, 1989, p. 250-251].

He goes on: "My idea is that a strong structured Federation of Muslims will address a certain number of social problems, including those related to racism... Giving Islam a form (mosques, associations, halal meat, rituals) can provide social peace and help fight drugs, help avoid deliberate failures in school... But this is possible if a secular society wants to understand the social and religious minimum of the other side, and if Muslims want to accept the rules of a secular state" [Etienne, 1989, p. 254].

1990s "France-a chance for Islam"? Two years later, B. Etienne wrote the preface to the book by J.-E. Kaltenbach and P.-P. Kaltenbach, entitled "France-a chance for Islam" [Kaltenbach J.-H., Kaltenbach P.-P., 1991]. In his opinion, the decade and a half that has passed since the borders were closed to immigrants has changed the political face of the country. While at the beginning of this period, the problems of immigrants were primarily related to economic and social issues, by the end of this period (early 1990), the main issue related to immigrants, mainly from the Maghreb countries, is the topic of Islam.

The authors of the book support the idea of B. Etienne on the fact that Islam is an opportunity for France, explaining it from her own position: "Our main wealth is bers, more correctly called French Maghrebians, who simultaneously build bridges and barriers between the two coasts of the Mediterranean. They are our first link, we need to help them, honor them and thank them. Of course, they are often poorly educated. And this is another reason to openly tell them how much we need them. And this is not demagogy, it's true. Our main strength is the secularism of France based on the laws of the republic...." [Kaltenbach J.-H., Kaltenbach P.-P., 1991].

For France itself, the late 1980s and early 1990s were rather a period of unfulfilled hopes. The youth movements of the Bers have not been able to solve the main problems-racism and unemployment. The children of immigrants felt like outsiders in European society. Youth movements that tried to form a special identity of French people of Maghreb origin on the basis of their dual identity did not get the expected results. Apart from a small elite, the rest of the youth could not accept this policy, and the native French were not ready for an "equal"attitude.

In 1989, Islamist organizations began to pursue an active policy. According to J. Kepel in his book "Jihad. The expansion and Decline of Islamism", also published in Russian, " the Islamists decided to invade the European space, taking on the role of expressing the interests of poor youth, which they called the "Islamic community" on this occasion" [Kepel, 2004, p.200]. This policy also had a theoretical basis. In 1988, the Islamists declared France the territory of Dar al-Islam, justifying this by saying that Muslims living in Europe already have European citizenship. Consequently, by recognizing the State as the territory of Dar al-Islam, Muslims living on its land could unite in Islamic communities and have the right to political representation.

Until then, Islam in France had no political connotations. Islamic communities provided mainly social assistance, helping immigrant families to settle in the country. Recognizing France as a territory in 1988

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dar al-Islam, they recognized their right to interfere in the politics of the State itself. The first high-profile speech of the Islamists was the "Case of the headscarf" in the fall of 1989.

The beginning of 1990 was the starting point for writing books about the Muslim youth of France by J. Cesary in the book " Muslims and Republicans. Youth, Islam and France " thus explains the relevance of the topic it raises: "At the end of the 1980s, the emergence of Islamist organizations made the" second religion of France" visible and strengthened its position in the religious landscape of the country... " [Cesari, 1998, p. 9]. At the same time, a new generation appears, which grew up under the influence of the Berov movement. Without getting any tangible results from the ongoing movement (protest marches of associations), many young people turn in the opposite direction. Without the support of the state and society, they become isolated in their own community, trying to find new points of contact. Islam, or rather, Islamist organizations, where they find help and understanding, becomes such a factor that unites the youth of the suburbs.

At the same time, the concept of "Diaspora Islam"is being approved. In the 1990s, works were published on the phenomenon of Islam within the Maghreb community, since it is people from the Maghreb countries and their children who form the largest Muslim community in France (in the UK, Pakistanis are mentioned in this issue, in Germany - Turks). Studies conducted by scientists claim that it is impossible to say that the Muslims of France are carriers of the same Islam.

Saint-Blancat, one of the leading French experts on issues related to diasporas, writes about this in his book "Islam of the Diaspora" (Saint-Blancat, 1997). Starting from the "traditional" understanding of this term, it shows the specific features of the Muslim diaspora, noting that Islam is becoming an excellent sign of the identity of representatives of the Muslim community in France, as well as a symbol of a newfound sense of self-esteem. Religion is a kind of compensation for discrimination issues that affect almost all members of the second generation of the Maghreb community.

Simultaneously with the work of S. Saint-Blanc, L. Babes 'book" Positive Islam. The religion of young Muslims in France "[Babes, 1997], written based on the results of a study conducted by the author in 1992-1993. Studying the Muslim community of the suburbs, the author came to the conclusion that Islam is gaining a positive connotation. At least that's what she wants, and she believes that the results of her research can only confirm her hypothesis. In her opinion, Islam is being secularized in the 1990s, although this process can occur individually, for example, in a new religious practice that differs from traditional Islam and takes into account the experience of European life. At the same time, L. Babes evaluates such a process with a plus sign. "Secularization is a global and open process, and does not consist, as many believe, only in the privatization of religion, because it has an institutional and symbolic meaning" (Babes, 1997, p. 199).

Zh. Cezari's book" Being a Muslim in France " (Cezari, 2002) summarizes the relationship between the state and the Muslims inhabiting it. It is the strengthening of the position of the Maghreb community itself on French soil that can be explained, in her opinion, by the strengthening of the position of Islam itself. Throughout the years, the majority of Maghrebians have tried to be good Muslims without openly demonstrating this to the host society. They believed that they were temporarily staying in French society. At that time, they were not faced with the question of finally settling here, and they did not consider it necessary to create places for their religious practice. It took about half a century for families to take root in France. "In the 1980s, this social phenomenon, for so long

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the time hidden within the immigrant community became apparent thanks to the prayer halls that filled the suburbs of large cities, as well as the appearance of bers on the political scene and announced themselves in the media" [Cezari, 2002, p. 33]. By creating infrastructure around them, the author believes, immigrants recognized that the land on which they intend to live and raise their children is also "their" land. This was not a rejection of integration into European society, but rather a recognition of a land" foreign " to them ,where their families can live, but where their religion and culture can also exist.

2000s Islam and the Republic. Since the September 2001 events in New York, attitudes towards Islam in France are changing, both at home and abroad. The society once again started talking about the influence of the Muslim community on young people from this environment, imposing not only the traditions of their people, but also the violent Islamization of the younger generation. The country is returning to the debate about the wearing of headscarves by Muslim women in public places and such concepts as" Islam"and"Republic".

The question is put this way: only sometimes wearing a headscarf is a free choice of girls and their own defense of their identity. In most cases, this is the result of pressure from the Muslim environment from which they come. The State Council has ruled that wearing a headscarf is not inherently secularistic, but as far as schools are concerned, the directorate of secondary schools can prohibit the wearing of headscarves. The discussion that unfolded around this topic was more concerned with the issue of"the right to differ". All the debates were held around the topic: is wearing a headscarf a freedom of choice or an attempt to influence the state structure of Muslim communities?

In 2003, "The Case of the Headscarf" again made the front pages of newspapers. French politicians, public figures, journalists, as well as ordinary people were divided into those who are " for "wearing a Muslim headscarf in schools, and those who are "against". All participants in the debate looked for an answer to this question both in the country's legislation, rereading the lines of laws prohibiting the wearing of religious symbols in schools, and in the Koran. In the" Case of the Headscarf", the interests of the republic, the foundations of which were laid for several centuries, and the Muslim communities that emerged on the territory of the country (in the form in which they currently exist - stable ethnic formations) collided several decades ago.

Thus, the question arose about the influence of Muslim communities on republican values and the possibility of their revision under the influence of objective circumstances, for example, the appearance of a large number of Muslims in the country, whose religious symbols can not be limited only to the private sphere, but pass into the public sphere. Can Islam and the Republic coexist at all?

J.-E. Kaltenbach and M. Tribala's book " Islam and the Republic. Between fear and blindness "(Kaltenbach and Tribalat, 2002). "French identity is first of all the laws that govern it... The main differences between French laws and the rules of Islam are in the rights of the family and women. The main issue remains the issue of women. It is in the school, in the place where the Republic proclaims the need for assimilation, that the main conflict flares up " (Kaltenbach and Tribalat, 2002, p. 187).

N. Venel's study "Muslims and Citizens" (Venel, 2004) is also devoted to issues of citizenship and identity. Her work is a proof of the conclusion of the French sociologist F. Khosrokhavar, who wrote in the book "Islam of the Young" (1998): "...there is not one Islam in France, but many forms of it" (Khsrokhavar, 1998). Based on interviews conducted by N. Venel with representatives of the second generation of Maghreb immigrants, who are often defined as "Muslims" in French society, thereby emphasizing their homogeneity, she proves in her work:-

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It is clear that these young people can differ dramatically from each other, identify themselves in different ways, and their perception of themselves, their own "I", in the host society depends on many factors. For some, their origin is significant, for others-belonging to a religion or Islam, for others-belonging to their environment, neighborhood, or the community with which they are socially connected. The author emphasizes the heterogeneity of young people of Maghreb origin, including in matters related to their perception of religion: for some, it is only the religion of their ancestors and the tradition of their family (fathers and grandfathers), for others - the basis of their self-identification. At the same time, there is no so-called typical situation, but there are many examples of how these young people perceive themselves in French society.

In the early 2000s, scholars also focus on analyzing the discourse around issues related to Islam (as, for example, in the collection of articles "A Word about Islam. Individual, society and discourse in modern European Islam "[Parole d'Islam..., 2000]). Leaving in the past the generalized concept of "Muslim", scientists pay attention to the individual characteristics of each person, considering it through the prism of the conditions in which it is located: country, family, school, environment, self-perception. As examples of the need for such an approach, scientists consider such events in the history of countries as the" handkerchief case", which confirms the statement that each case should be considered in its own context.

Zh. Cezari, in his book Islam as a Test for the West [Cezari, 2004], explains:"...a series of" explosive " events at the end of the 20th century, which followed one another, created the image of militant Islam... Being directly dependent on this opinion, researchers and specialists in Islam often fell into the trap of describing and presenting Islam or Muslims themselves as something "out of the ordinary", incomparable to anything in Western civilization, in particular in Europe. The integration of Muslims into European society meant not only socio-economic adaptation, but also acculturation into the host culture and secularization. Is this process similar to the integration of other non-Muslim immigrants, or do Muslims have their own specifics? It is this question that has passed through many European studies... " [Cezari, 2004].

After 2005, when the whole world learned about the problems of the "Paris suburbs", any arguments about successful integration or "positive Islam" came to naught. Modern scientists try to understand what determines a certain degree of "religiosity" of young people, conducting not only field research in "difficult neighborhoods", but also parallels with the history of their family and the country from which their ancestors come and in which they live. N. Kapko's book "Islam as a Hope for the young" (Karko, 2007) is just an example of such an ethnographic study that shows how the arrival of the parents of Muslim children in France changed their fate, as well as their ethnic and religious traditions, and how today the process of losing "their roots" is taking place, which is being introduced by French society and society. is there any pattern in this process?

The book by the sociologist of Iranian origin M. Shirali "Between Islam and Democracy. The Path of Young Frenchmen Today "[Shirali, 2007] is dedicated to"children of the suburbs". The traditional beginning is a survey of young residents of the suburbs about their life, the continuation is an analysis of state policy (economic, social) and the life of these young people in the conditions created by the state. The main question is: can a state call itself democratic if it forces young people to live in such conditions? The author makes the following conclusion: "In a society where Muslim intellectuals do not respond to their own ideas, imams, preachers and self-proclaimed 'religious authorities' are entering the French social and political scene and monopolizing the right to speak on behalf of Muslims. Under such pressure on the front

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The emotional religiosity of young people from the outskirts is coming to the fore, and it is crystallizing in radical forms that are close to the" ideology of struggle" " [Shirali, 2007].

Rethinking what was written. In 2006, the handbook "The History of Islam and Muslims in France from the Middle Ages to the present day" (Histoire de l'islam..., 2006) was published in Paris under the supervision of M. Arcun, Professor of History at the Sorbonne. The book was intended to be a reference guide for those who are interested in the history of France's relations with representatives of the Muslim civilization. In the preface to the publication, the French historian Jacques le Goff writes:: "The appearance of this collection indicates a new trend in modern historical science, which no longer contains only a story about what is happening: what is analyzed here is "events" described in chronological order, their historical reconstruction. There is no doubt that facts are important in themselves, but they make more sense when they are the object of research of a particular era, or of a particular ideology, or even of a particular mentality. In the end, the result is a cultural history, which is the basis of this book... " [Histoire de l'islam.., 2006, p. XIII-XIV]. M. Arkun also insists on a new understanding of the problem, which he states in the title of the book: "Social sciences help modern historians to expand their territories and opportunities. They help him to reconstruct the mytho-ideological view at the theoretical level, paying attention to such critical concepts as" imaginary establishment of community "(Cornelius Castoriades)," social construction of reality" (Peter Berger)... " [Histoire de l'islam..., 2006, p. XIX].

The compilers, starting from the idea of an interdisciplinary approach, set out the history of the appearance of Muslims in France, trying to move away from any estimates, enrich the stingy facts and dates with stories from Arab travelers of that time or quotes from European contemporaries. In addition, they focus on the results of archaeological excavations of that time, illustrating the above. Not only the data of archaeologists, but also the engravings of contemporaries, the analysis of symbols in frescoes, or the description of the architecture of medieval buildings-all this is nothing more than proof of the hypotheses put forward by the authors.

The authors do not so much oppose Christianity to Islam, but rather look for a relationship between the attitude of Christians, for example, to Islam due to certain events or their description in the literature. So, in the "Song of Roland", in their opinion, certain cliches are created, which, in their opinion, should be considered through the prism of real historical facts, which together can show, for example, the attitude of Christians to Muslims or the mutual influence of one civilization on another. The authors of this book themselves emphasize that the interdisciplinary approach is necessary for their claimed analysis of the presented topic: chronological tables and opinions of historians, literature analysis, memoirs of contemporaries. The handbook summarizes recent research on this topic. Its authors urge their colleagues to move away from the topics that have been relevant in recent years and objectively consider Islam outside the current political and social events that are currently taking place in France.

list of literature

Drops of Zh. Jihad. Expansiya i zakat islamizma [Expansion and Decline of Islamism]. Moscow: Ladomir Publ., 2004.

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Cezari J. Etre musulman en France aujourd'hui. P.: Hachette, 2002.

Cezari J. Musulmans et republicans. Lesjeunes, l'islam el la France. P.: Edition Complexe, 1998.

Cezari J. L'islam a l'epreuve de l'Occident. P.: Ed. La Decouverte, 2004.

Etienne B. La France et l'islam. P.: Hachette, 1989.

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Kaltenbach J.-H., Kaltenbach P.-P. La France une chance pour Islam. P.: Edition du Felin, 1991.

Kaltenbach J.-M., Tribalat M. La République et l'Islam. Entre crainte et aveuglement. P.: Ed. Gallimard, 2002.

Kapko N. L'Islam un recourpour les jeunes. P.: Presse de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences politiques, 2007.

Kepel G. Les banlieues de l'islam. P.: Seil, 1987.

Khosrokhavar F. L 'Islam des jeunes. P.: Flammarion, 1998.

Les musulmans dans la societé française. Leveau R., Kepel G. (dir.). P.: Presse de la Fondation Nationale des sciences de I'homme, 1988.

Parole d'lslam. Individu, societé et discours dans l'Islam europeen contemporain. Dassetto F. (dir.). P.: Maisonneuve & Larose, 2000.

Rager J.-J. Les musulmans algeriens en France et dans les pays islamiques. P.: Societe d'Edition " Les belles lettres", 1950.

Roux J.-P. L 'Islam en Occident. Europe - Afrique. P.: Payot, 1959.

Saint-Blancat Ch. L 'Islam de la diaspora. P.: Bayard Edition, 1997.

Shirali M. Entre Islam et democratic Parcour des jeunes Francois d'aujourd 'hui. P.: Armand Colin, 2007.

Venel N. Musulmans et citoyens. P.: PUF, 2004.

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