The article is an attempt to interpret the word agulani, found in the chronicle of the first Crusade "On the deeds of the Franks and other Jerusalem residents". The authors consider the cases of using this word in the source in various contexts and forms, as well as analyze previously known attempts to interpret it in historiography. The authors give an additional argument in favor of the fact that here we should see an attempt to transfer the Turkic word oglan, which was used in the Turkic-speaking environment of the XI century. as a synonym for the Arabic word ghulam, which in Arabic and Persian sources of the corresponding era meant the personal guard of Muslim rulers.

Keywords: Crusades, medieval Latin chronicles, heavy cavalry, personal guard, Turks.

A NOTE ON THE MEANING OF THE TERM AGULANI IN THE "GESTA FRANCORUM ET ALIORUM HIEROSOLIMITANORUM"

Vitaly PRUDNIKOV, Vladimir TISHIN

The paper deals with the term agulani which occurs in the chronicle of the First Crusade "Gesta Francorum et aliorum Hierosolimitanorum". The authors consider different forms of the word in the text and analyze its interpretations in historiography. They argue that the term agulani should be considered as the reproduction of the Turkic word oglan which was used in Turkic languages during the eleventh century as synonymous with the Arabic word ghulam and which occurs in the authentic Arabic and Persian sources denoting the royal escort of Muslim rulers.

Keywords: Crusades, medieval, Latin chronicles, heavy cavalry, royal guard, bodyguard, Turks.

In the chronicle of the anonymous author 1 "On the deeds of the Franks and other Jerusalem residents", created no later than 1101. [Acts of the Franks..., 2010, p. 113], when listing the Muslim peoples of the Middle East, there are some angulani, or agulani.

PRUDNIKOV Vitaly Vladimirovich-Candidate of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, gviskar@mail.ru;

TISHIN Vladimir Vladimirovich-Candidate of Historical Sciences, Researcher at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, tihij-511@mail.ru.

Vitaly PRUDNIKOV - PhD Applicant, Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow, gviskar@mail.ru;

Vladimir TISHIN - PhD (in History). Researcher, Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow, tihij-511@mail.ru.

1 Nothing is known about the identity of the author of the "Acts of the Franks" except the guesses of researchers. According to a well-established tradition, it is generally accepted that the anonymous author, or Anonymous, was a direct participant in the first crusade, a low-ranking South Italian Norman knight who first served Bohemond, and then went under the banner of Raymond of St. Giles [Acts of the Franks..., 2010, pp. 110-116].

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For the first time, an Anonymous source mentions them when describing the battle of the Crusaders at Dorilea in Asia Minor with the troops of Kilich Arslan and Danishmend: "Turci et Arabes et Sarraceni et Angulani" [Histoire anonyme..., 1924, p. 48]. On another occasion, an Anonymous person speaks of them during the siege of Antioch by Kerbogha's army: "Idem vero Curbaram congregavit innumeras gentes paganorum, videlicet Turcos, Arabes, Saracenos, Publicanos, Azimitas, Curtos, Persas, Agulanos" [Histoire anonyme..., 1924, p. 110]. And then an Anonymous person, speaking of the innumerable number of Muslims, adds :" And the Agulans were three thousand in number, who were not afraid of spears, arrows, or any other weapons, since all of them and their horses were covered with iron on all sides. They did not want to go into battle with any other weapon than swords" [Histoire anonyme..., 1924, p. 112] 2.

From the text of the Anonymous Source, it is impossible to understand whether we are talking about a people, a religious sect, or a military unit in the Seljuk army. Unfortunately, all the authors of the first Crusade, who later used the chronicle of Anonymous as the main source [Jamison, 1939, p. 183], do not provide additional information that can shed light on the meaning of the term agulani [Tudebod, 1866, p. 26; 59; Guiberti, 1869, p. 189; Baldrici, 1869, p. 35, 60].

German philologist of the 17th century. Kaspar von Barth, based on the description of the agulani armament in the source, suggested that we are talking about heavy cavalry-cataracts [Reliquiae manuscripts..., 1720, p. 93].

The 17th-century French encyclopedist Charles Ducange considered agulani to be an ethnonym, since they are referred to by Latin authors among the Muslim peoples as "Saracens" and "Turks", "or rather a sect", since this name follows the names of obvious sectarians in the text: "Pavlikians" and "Asimites" (Ducange, 1883, p. 4). 150].

The German historian and editor of the chronicle of Anonymous, G. Hagenmayer, suggested that the term itself comes from the Latin word unguis (Latin. "snake") G. Hagenmayer, referring to the French researcher and publisher of the song of Antioch A. Paris, believed that the Angulans originated from the African city of Fez, and noted that the hypothesis of K. Barth in this case does not explain anything [Anonymi Gesta Francorum..., 1890, S. 314-315, Anm. 14].

Beatrice Liis, another editor of the Acts of the Franks, considers Hagenmeier and Pari's claim about the African origin of the Angulans, as well as their "snake-like" clothing, to be unfounded. She believes that the best version of the origin of the term is from the Arabic word aghwal, which means "most destructive". As an example, Beatrice Liis refers to the origin of the English word ghoul from the Arabic root [Anonymi Gesta Francorum..., 1924, p. 109].

British medievalist Evelyn Jamieson believes that the term angulani is a corrupted, colloquial equivalent of the Latin word agareni. This metamorphosis could be a consequence of copying the Greek word-αγαρηνοι. Jamieson says that this variant of the term is found in 12th-century Sicilian documents and refers to the Villains of Arabs and Muslims. For this reason, Evelyn Jamison is ready to accept the version of the origin of the Angulans-Arabs from the African city of Fez (Jamison, 1939, p.109). This version was positively accepted by the reviewer of the collection where the article was published. Jamieson [Bastin, 1941, p. 251-252].

A similar point of view on the origin of this term is shared by some modern editors and translators of Anonymous. For example, Canadian researcher Nirmal Dass considers Angulans to be Arabs from Sicily and North Africa (Dass, 2011, p. 130). Otherwise, he repeats the version of E. Jamieson, without bothering to refer to the original [Dass, 2011, p. 130].

2 "Et Agulani fuerunt numero tria milia; qui neque lanecas neque sagittas neque ulla arma timebanl, quia onirics crant undique cooperti ferro et equi corum, ipsique nolebant in bellum ferre arma nisi solummodo gladios".

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With a high degree of probability, it can be argued that Anonymous did not mean Arabs by Agulans. "There were also 360,000 Turks, Persians, Paulicians, Saracens, Angulans, and other pagans, not counting the Arabs, whose number no one but God could know" [Histoire apopoute..., 1924, p. 48]. Thus, Anonymous deliberately singles out a number of Muslim peoples from among the Arabs. In this regard, researchers have made assumptions about the ethnic origin of the Agulans. For Byzantine scholars, the starting point was a discussion about the meaning of the term maguli (Μαγοκλιοι), which was found twice in the Byzantine epic about Digenis Akrit and a number of other sources and served to refer to the soldiers of Emir Musur (Bartikyan, 1972, p.224).

V. G. Vasilevsky and V. Laurent considered these soldiers to be natives of England, while P. Lemerle pointed out that this term has a purely social meaning [Bartikyan, 1972, p. 225]. R. M. Bartikyan suggested that we are talking about immigrants not from England, but from the Amida region (Diarbakir): Angel [Bartikyan, 1968, pp. 116-119].

A. P. Kazhdan supported R. M. Bartikyan's version and identified the Angulans and Agulans, who met in the chronicle of the first crusade as "natives of Angel-Agel". He rejected the version of E. Jamieson about the" biblical " origin of the Agulans, since the very context in which this term is found in the chronicle: Turks, Arabs, Saracens, Kurds, Persians, Asimites, Paulicians, indicates the "Arab-Syrian regions of the XI century" (Kazhdan, 1971, p.103).

Based on the notes of A. P. Kazhdan and his own observations, R. M. Bartikyan concludes that " the Agul-ans, or angul-ans, are angel-ites..., i.e., an army consisting of residents of the Armenian canton of the Fourth Armenia, Angelena, the Armenian Angeltun. Consequently, there is every reason to identify the soldiers of the "special group of brave agulans" who lived in the Syro-Armenian or Syro-Mesopotamian environment, among the Arabs and Pavlikians, with the "Maguli" from the Byzantine epic about Digenis Akrit" (Bartikyan, 1972, p. 226). R. M. Bartikyan suggests that this is the case with the "special group of brave Agulans". there may have been some "Armenian local troops" of the" Fourth Armenia", which continued to exist in this area in the XI century," at different times and in different circumstances served both the Arabs and the Byzantines " (Bartikyan, 1972, p.226).

The strong point of the hypothesis of R. M. Bartikyan and A. P. Kazhdan can be considered as linking the term agulyan to local regions of the Middle East. But it is hardly possible to say that the Latin author meant Armenians specifically by Agulans or Angulans.

Translator and editor of the chronicle of Anonymous R. Hill sees the Agulyans as Caucasian Albanians [Gesta Francorum..., 1962, p. 20]. A well-known expert on medieval military history, D. Nicol, initially held the same opinion [Nicolle, 1982, p. 374-375]. He believed that this type of heavy cavalry armament was most characteristic of the population of northwestern Iran in the pre-Islamic era. The development of this kind of troops was primarily due to the threat of invasion by mounted archers of the Seljuk Turks [Nicolle, 1982, p. 375].J. Heath thinks that the battle of Antioch Anonymous describes the heavy cavalry of the Caucasian Albanians or Alans [Heath, 1978, p. 103].

None of the proposed "ethnoterritorial" versions of the origin of this term can explain the attention with which the anonymous chronicler of the first crusade treated these warriors. In particular, the author of the Norman chronicle pointed out a certain number of these warriors and a special type of fearlessness, which largely demonstrates a certain social position in the societies of the Middle East.

The Romanian Byzantine historian Nicolae Iorga deduces the formation of the term agulane in the Latin chronicle from the Turkic word oglans, which means "sons" (Iorga, 1928, p.76). In terms of meaning, Yorga recognizes this term as corresponding to the Byzantine-

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mu turcopoli, or Francopoli, i.e. sons of Turks or Franks [Iorga, 1928, p. 76]. Unfortunately, N. Iorga does not give a detailed analysis of the origin of this term and its meaning.

H. A. R. Gibb in 1932 suggested that the angulani from the chronicle of Anonymous should be considered ghulam, the personal guard of the Turkish sultans [The Damascus chronicle..., 1932, p. 33]. Later, D. Nicol also adopted the view that the Agulani are Seljuk Ghulams (Nicolle, 1999, p. 250, p. 18). In modern historiography, this point of view is quite common. The medieval historian S. I. Luchitskaya believes that the term agulani comes from the Arabic word al-ghulam, which means 'boy' (Luchitskaya, 2001, p. 60). For example, A. Zouache [Zouache, 2007, p.284] writes about gulyams in this case, but without any justification. This term was used in the medieval states of the Middle East to refer to representatives of the category of military slaves, who, in turn, were elite military units in the armies of Muslim rulers: they had special military training, had and could use heavy weapons [Sourdel et al., 1991, p. 1079-1091; Pipes, 1981].

In other words, by their characteristics, ghouls most fully correspond to the warriors described by Anonymous. Despite the ambiguity of this term in the Muslim tradition, this interpretation of the term agulani in Latin chronicles seems to be the most reasonable [Luchitskaya, 2001, p. 60]. But this can only be confirmed after a linguistic analysis of this and similar borrowings.

The term agulani is found in "chanson de geste", or" songs of deeds " - epic oral tales: in the Latin version Aigolandus [Turpini Historia..., 1880, p. 10], and in Old French it has the form Agolant [La chanson d'Antioche, 1848, p. 139; 239; La chanson d'Aspremont..., 1970]. E. Jamison, A. P. Kazhdan, and S. I. Luchitskaya believe that these terms are identical [Jamison, 1939, p. 183; Kazhdan, 1971, p. 103; Luchitskaya, 2001, p.60].

Unfortunately, none of the researchers explains how the Latin term agulani acquired the" romantic form "of Agolant in the well-known chanson de Geste of the 12th century: the chronicle of Pseudoturpin" The History of Charlemagne and Roland "(no earlier than 1130) [Hasenohr, Zink, 1992, p. 292], "The Song of the Cross". Antioch" (not earlier than 1100) [The Chanson D'Antioche..., 2013, p. 47] and " The Song of Aspremont "(not earlier than 1190) [Hasenohr and Zink, 1992, p. 106].

In the Latin chronicle, Pseudogurpinus Aigolandus is the name of a Muslim ruler from North Africa who was a major opponent of Charlemagne in Spain. In the Song of Aspremont, this Muslim ruler, under the name of Agolant, invades the region of Southern Italy, Calabria, at the head of Saracens, where he fights Charlemagne and young Roland at Mount Aspremont.

"The Song of Aspremont" was very popular in Normandy, Italy and Scandinavia. The term Agolant appears in the chronicles of Richard the Lionheart's participation in the Third Crusade when describing his campaign in Sicily and southern Italy. In the Latinized form of Agolando and Agulando, it is used in the Pilgrimage and Deeds of King Richard [Itinirarium peregrinorum..., 1864, p. 154, 332], and Agoland - in the poem "History of the Holy War", attributed to the Norman troubadour Amboise [L'Estoire de la Guerre sainte..., 1897, p. 15, 112].

The Song of Antioch contains a detailed description of the people of Agolant, who are mentioned as part of the troops of Emir Korbaran (Kerbogi):

"These latter were a strong and proud people, full of fierce determination to win, they carried no other weapons than sharp swords, and were covered with iron on all sides. Let me tell you something funny about their horses. They did not want to carry a rider armed with a spear, shield, or raised banner, and did everything possible to avoid this" [The Chanson D'Antioche.... 2013, p. 257].

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It is obvious that the creators of the Song of Antioch incorrectly translated or rather creatively revised this passage taken from the Latin chronicle of the first Crusade. It is very similar to that given by Robert Monk in the History of Jerusalem (written between 1116 and 1122).:

"There were three thousand Agulans who didn't have weapons, not even swords. They were covered with iron on all sides and were not afraid of enemy weapons. Their horses completely refused to carry a rider with a banner and a spear and were infuriated by anyone who acted in this way" [Robert the Monk's History..., 2005, p. 150].

Robert the Monk's publisher, C. Swithenham, believes that this passage appeared in the Jerusalem History as a result of Robert's erroneous translation of the Anonymous Latin text into Old French [Robert the Monk's History..., 2005, p. 26]. He also concludes that, since The Jerusalem Story was the first chronicle of the Crusade to be translated into Old French, it was the source for the creation of the Chanson de Geste, in particular for the Song about Antioch [Robert the Monk's History..., 2005, p. vii-viii]. Co-author and colleague K. S. Edgington believes that The Chanson de Geste served as a source for the creation of some chronicles of the first Crusade, in particular The Jerusalem Story [The Chanson D'Antioche..., 2013, p. 3].

S. Edgington believes that the Song of Antioch contains a passage in which the Agulans are indirectly mentioned: when certain "very brave" soldiers appeared at the call of Emir Korbaran (Kerbogi), who "had only their eyes and teeth white on their bodies, each of them was armed with a sword with a razor-sharp blade made of shining green steel. These blades were so good that God could not have created a weapon like them, because they could cut anyone in half" [The Chanson D'Antioche..., 2013, p. 228].

First of all, it should be noted that the data of linguistics allow us to speak in favor of the primacy of the Latin version of the term under consideration for all other known written forms.

The source in the French literature can be considered the phonetic variant agolant, in the typical French vowel for the XII century with the fall of the final-e in such combinations (see: [Brunot, 1905, p. 152, 304]). The agolante form is a later one (see, for example, [Boni, 1967, p. 59, p.21, p. 62-63]). In the Norman dialect variant, one should probably expect the ending-aunt (< French-ant) (see [Brunot, 1905, p. 320]). At the same time, this form, represented as a character's name (cf.: [Helmont, Balant, Cirard]), is obviously nothing more than a French phonetic treatment of the primary variant taken from Latin. In this respect, the Latin form Agolandus from Pseudoturninus (apparently taken back from the French) is interesting, which was later borrowed in the Song of Aspremont (where again Agolant) [Baist, 1901, p. 220].

Thus, the researcher's attention should be focused exclusively on the angulani and agulani forms of the Latin chronicle, which are plural forms of the supposed *angulanus and *agulanus, respectively.

The following data allow us to oppose the version that has received considerable popularity about seeing here an attempt to transmit the Arabic al-ghulam.

Researchers of Arabic loanwords in Romance languages, in particular French, indicate that here the Arabic article al, as a rule, did not differ and in the initial vowel was included in the word form appearing in the French translation [Shakhbaz, 2005, p.213-214; Cherkasova, 2013, p. 12]. In addition, it can be considered established that if Arabic words, including those with this article, penetrated the Romano-Germanic language environment in general, being borrowed through the Latin version, then here they completely preserved the spelling [Shahbaz, 2005, pp. 212-213].

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The phonetic aspect of this version was noticed by the French philologist Marcel Courtiade, who, however, tried to link the term angulani to the history of the Gypsies. But the originality of his version is different. In one of his works, he writes that the Arabic form al-gulam according to the rules of the Greek (sic!) pronunciation of those times ("pravilima tadasnjeg grekog izgovora") should have been transmitted as aggulam, or ungulam, which could have passed into ungulan [Courthiade, 2008]. In another work, he points out that the Arabic ghulam with a definite article was transformed into ag-gulam, then ag-gulam > ungulan(us), which, in his opinion, "e was natural", and accordingly the Franks called them angulani [Cortiade, 2011, pp. 20-21].

Here, however, there are certain difficulties. First, M. Kurtiade does not say how the transition from l to g can be justified, although Arabic assimilation of the article al is characteristic only in cases where it precedes "solar" consonants, and in cases recorded for the Egyptian dialect, when it is followed by velar /k/ or /g/, the latter of which it is a dialect variant of the implementation of the phoneme jim, which is more often implemented as a palatal //[Watson, 2002, p. 217-222]. But this does not apply to the gayn phoneme in any way.

Secondly, although in Greek, it is true that the gamma doubled in the letter (yy) is read as / ng/, nevertheless, judging by the recorded attempts of the Greek translation of foreign words, in particular Slavic and Turkic, the doubling of the gamma was a consequence of fixing the already known various combinations of nasal and guttural consonants (see: [Vasmer, 1970, S. 249-250; Moravesik, 1983, S. 32]). In other words, the researcher would have to assume that the original version with the corresponding *angulan type anlaut, which got into the Greek language environment, is already available.

As for the last sound, it seems that the Greek authors clearly reflected the final-T. Here it is interesting to note as an example the name of the leader of the " Caucasian Huns "(Alan?) [Derfer, 1986, p. 108] (published in 527), which is recorded in the form of Yλωμ in the Chronicle of John Malala (563) and yλωνης in the Chronicle of Theophanes the Confessor (810-814, later in the author of the XI century. George Kedrin (also spelled γλωνς), in whom, like Procopius of Caesarea (Historia, 553-555), this form occurs as a Persian name, and it seems to be primary. In the chronicle of John of Nicaea (690), whose work has been preserved in an Ethiopian translation from the original Greek, it passed in the form of Aglanos, and in the Russian "Sofia Chronograph" of the XVI century, the author of which used the work of John Malala, in the form of Eglon [Moravesik, 1983, p. 114; Maenchen-Helfen, 1973, p .391; Golden, 1992, p. 125]. Only the transition v > μ can be assumed, but not vice versa. See also auslaut in the example of Γολeμη, Γολeμι < slav. *golemъ, *golema "groß" [Vasmer, 1970, S. 238, 240, 262]. This is noteworthy due to the presence of multiple forms in gulam, in addition to gilman, gilma and aglima (see [Robin, 1996, p. 679]).

In general, it is not clear what M. Courtiade's opinion is based on, that the source language of borrowing the word for the "Frankish" author was Greek. Anyway, there is a final philological argument that allows us to shake this assumption. Even if we take into account the fact that the Anonymous person, being a native of Southern Italy (an area inhabited by Byzantine Greeks at that time), probably knew Greek 3, according to the material of Sicilian documents of the XII century, it can be judged that the Greeks here, at least in the late XI - first half of the XII century. they transmitted Arabic words by transcribing their sound more or less accurately: the unstressed article al was transmitted by the combination eλ -; moreover, they apparently understood even its grammatical functions [Metcalfe, 2013, p. 157-161]. Judging, for example, by the well-known attempts to transmit Slavic or Turkic vocabulary by the Byzantines, it is clear that the initial combinations of sounds close to *el, even taking into account the specifics in the phonetics of each

3 The chronicle contains entire phrases in Greek [Histoire anonyme..., 1924, p. 106].

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from these linguistic environments (cf. slav. * el -, Turkish. el - ∼ al - ∼ il -), were transmitted by the combination ελ- [Vasmer, 1970, p. 239; Moravesik, 1983, p. 122-124].

It is noteworthy that, judging by the Italian language material, the article al was most clearly distinguished in the word structure when borrowing from Arabic (Shahbaz, 2005: 91, 162). This allows us to proceed precisely from the understanding of the similar morphonological structure of the original word and does not allow us to see in it anything close to the Arabic al-ghulam.

Some difficulties are created by the very fact that two different spellings of the term co-exist in the same source: once angulani and then twice agulani. But the first form is used in a single syntactic construction along with well-known or at least recognizable ethnonyms (Turci, Arabes, Sarraceni) (see above). But probably the fact is that in Pliny's" Natural History " the Angulani people are found (Plin. Nat. Hist. XXXVII. III. XVII (XII)), traditionally identified with the inhabitants of the coastal city αγγολος (Latin Angolos, Angulos) mentioned later by Ptolemy, which is seen in the modern Italian Citta Sant'Angelo, in the Distant Abruzzo (Abruzzo Ultra) [Ferrari, 1670, p. 43; p. Plinii Secundi Naturalis Historiae..., 1669, p. 165, n. c; Totius Latinitatis lexicon..., 1831, p. 174; Bibliotheca classica latina..., 1828, p. 159 note 22; McBean A., 1773, without pagination of pages with articles, article on AN, 1st column; Cramer, 1826, p. 336; Lempriere, 1839, without pagination of pages with dictionary entries, article on ANI, 1st column; Pliny Natural History... 1961, p. 78, 79]. Probably, the form with the "insert" - and - in the author of the anonymous chronicle can also be explained by familiarity with a word from the ancient tradition that is similar in phonetics and belongs to the same lexical category (ethnonym). Therefore, in our case, it should be considered as the result of extrapolation of a well-known ethnonym to the name of a new people, which seemed phonetically close to the author, which led to their confusion, because in the future both the Anonymous Name itself and the authors who borrowed this word proceed precisely from the form without-p -.

This circumstance allows us to take a closer look at the above-mentioned version of N. Yorg, which suggests that here the sound is close to the Turkic *oglan. Here we should pay attention to two aspects: phonetic and semantic.

The desire to see here the transmission of the Turkic word does not allow us to say definitely whether it was a direct borrowing or carried out through the medium of, for example, Greek or Arabic.

About the peculiarities of the Greek transmission we could only judge for late materials relating to the Ottoman era, where the word oglan, forming part of personal names, transmitted quite accurately: ατζαμογλανι 48;ες < 'ajamι-ογlan, σπαχογλανιδε ς., σπαχογλανοι, σπαχογλανοκς < sipahi-ογlan [Moravesik, 1983, S. 78, 291]. CP. however, earlier (up. in 1133 g) Καλλινογλης, where the second part of the name clearly conveys -oγlu [Moravesik, 1983, S. 147]. Native Arabic speakers should also have no great difficulties in transmitting the Turkic sound: in both the 11th-century Turkish-Arabic dictionaries of Mahmud al-Kashgari and the 14th-century Mamluk anonymous dictionary (see below), we see the spelling 'wglan, where graphically through alif and damma, traditionally denoting Arabic /and/, are transmitted Turkic labial sounds /O/,/ U / without taking into account the row (see: Ermers, 1999, p. 121-122).

As for the version about the direct penetration of the Turkic word into Latin, we have absolutely no linguistic material that allows us to talk about phonetic changes and their regularities in the transmission of Turkisms in medieval Latin, in order to explain the only difficulty - the wide back vowel in anlaut: * agulanus < *og(u) lan. However, two points can be taken into account for the explanation. First of all, from the point of view of the impossibility of combining the phonetic complex-ogw-, which tends to-uu -, with the peculiarities of Latin vocalism.

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does not accept such combinations. Therefore, more often we can observe the weakening of /o/ in /a/ in such a neighborhood, and in non-first syllables, wide vowels are followed by narrower ones, including /u/, which in this case is supported by the following /l/ (see: [Corssen, 1858, S. 238-239]). This also serves as an additional argument in favor of the Oguz variant of pronunciation, which is close to *oglan, excluding, for example, Kipchak, where one would expect *og(u) lan > *owlan > *ulan (see: [Comparative Historical Grammar..., 1997, pp. 313-314; Comparative Historical Grammar..., 2002, p. 238, 241, 279]). The influence of the angulani form is also possible. It is also possible to influence the peculiarities of pronunciation, with a certain articulation that allows the expansion of the first vowel.

One of the main problems is that we have no evidence of the transmission of this Turkic word in Arabic, as well as almost no Turkic-language sources from the period under review. You should refer to semantics.

The lexeme ogla:n, which is also known from earlier Turkic-language monuments in Mahmud al-Kashgari (70s of the XI century), is used as a plural form along with ogulla: r, from ogul in the meaning of " son "(al-ibn). in Yusuf Balasaguni's poem of the same period, where ogul is also commonly used to mean "son", ogla:n is more commonly used to mean "boy", and in one instance, J. R. R. Tolkien uses the word "son". Clauson translated it as "page" (Clauson, 1972, p. 84a). In addition, as S. G. Agadzhanov pointed out, in Mahmud al-Kashgari, the term "warrior" can be used in certain moments (Agadzhanov, 1969, p. 111, note 3). According to P. B. Golden, the term oglan acquired the semantics of a servant, moreover of an adult status, in the late period under Muslim influence [Golden, 2005, p. 462, 477, note 47]. At least, along with others, in the meaning of "young slave", or al-gulam, it is recorded in the Mamluk Turkish-Arabic dictionary [Golden, 2001, p. 52; Clauson, 1972, p. 84b; Ein turkisch-arabisches Glossar..., 1894, P. 50], which is not related to the As previously thought, but by the middle of the 14th century (see [Clauson, 1972, p. XXV]).

This direct reference to the identity of the meanings of the Turkic oglan and the Arabic al-gulam is very important because we do not have sources that record the meaning of the term oglan in the period between the 11th and 14th centuries. However, the available material allows us to speak about the corresponding semantic evolution of both terms. Thus, I. P. Petrushevsky, speaking about the term gulyam, which literally means "young man", "young man", noted that its semantics, similar to the Russian otrok and molodets, developed from the designations of age groups to the social terms "slave"," servant"," servant " [Petrushevsky, 1966, p. 187, note 55].

Already S. G. Agadzhanov noted the possibility of bringing together the concepts of gulyam, chakir, kul, khass kul, khojatash, and oglan known from disparate sources for the period of the XII-XIII centuries in the meaning of military squads recruited from "slaves" (Agadzhanov, 1969, p. 111). What this "slavery" really was and what is the nature of this social phenomenon in the Muslim East is well shown in the above-cited work of D. Pipes (Pipes, 1981). The main theories of the origin of the Gulyam institute are summarized by P. B. Golden (Golden, 2005, pp. 460-464).

The institute of Ghulams in the early Seljuk period is thoroughly considered in the classic work of Mehmet Altay Kamen [Koymen, 1963, s. 9-23]. In the sources, they appear in groups of a certain number [Koymen, 1963, s. 12, 14-16], they are specially trained in the art of war [Koymen, 1963, s. 13-14], they are most loyal to the ruler, performing functions of a very different (not only military) nature [Koymen, 1963, s. 22-23]. Unfortunately, there is only fragmentary data on the use of swords by the Turks at that time (Koymen, 1963, p. 47-48).

It should be noted that the Turkic horse archer was particularly admired by the Norman chroniclers in particular and by the Western chroniclers of the first Crusade in general [Histoire apopoute..., 1924, p. 51; Tudebod, 1866, p. 27; Guiberti, 1869, p.162; Baldrici, 1869, p. 35]. Probably the appearance of a special unit on the battlefield

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The battles of Dorilea and Antioch could not pass unnoticed in the camp of the Crusaders. Even if these warriors were not able to perform well against the heavy cavalry of the knights, since they were probably, according to their description, better equipped to fight against the light cavalry of mounted archers, their very appearance inspired respect for the Norman chronicler.

Thus, we can say that under the term agulani, most likely, Ghulams are hidden as an elite military unit, known by this name from Arabic and Persian sources, but at the same time the very sound of the Latin term reflected, apparently, the Turkic oglan. This suggests that even at that time these two words were synonymous: in the Seljuk environment, the Turkic word oglan was used in the same sense in which the Arabs and Persians used the term ghulam.

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page 43

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